Au cours de la Première Guerre mondiale, les industries de la laine et du coton se retrouvent entraînées dans la mobilisation industrielle. L’intervention de l’État dans ces branches se révèle indispensable, et une nouvelle relation s’établit entre la puissance publique et les entreprises. La modification de la teinte de l’uniforme, sa large diffusion à près de huit millions d’appelés sur quatre ans et la perte des bassins industriels du Nord et de l’Est conduisent à la mise sous contrôle de l’État de presque toute l’industrie lainière, tandis que l’industrie cotonnière reste indépendante jusqu’en 1917. Cette relation s’étend jusque dans les importations de matières premières, avec une centralisation progressive qui exclut le commerce privé, mais associe négociants et industriels. En outre, la gestion de la main-d’œuvre constitue un défi quotidien pour les entreprises. Le besoin de travailleurs reste important, et les difficultés liées aux conditions de travail et au renchérissement de la vie entraînent des tensions sociales, malgré l’Union sacrée observée par les organisations syndicales. Dans le même temps, la perte des principaux territoires industriels représente une aubaine pour les autres régions, dont celles dont l’industrie textile est sur le déclin avant la guerre. Les fortes demandes de l’armée et les hauts prix du commerce privé entraînent des bénéfices importants, et conduisent l’État à adopter une fiscalité de guerre et réprimer les abus. Le retour des industries sinistrées à la fin du conflit, la question des dommages de guerre et la réintégration de l’Alsace-Lorraine mettent les industries textiles face à des changements radicaux. / During the World War I, the industries of the wool and the cotton find themselves pulled(entailed) in the industrial mobilization. The intervention of the State in these branches shows itself essential, and a new relation becomes established between the public authorities and the companies. The modification of the colour of the uniform, its wide distribution about eight million conscripts over four years and the loss of the industrial areas of the North and east lead to the putting under control of the State of almost all the wool trade, whereas the cotton industry remains independent until 1917. This relation extends to the imports of raw materials, with a progressive centralization which excludes any private business(trade), but associates traders and industrialists. Besides, the management of the workforce constitutes a daily challenge for companies. The need in workforce remains important, and the difficulties bound in working conditions and to the increased cost living trigger social tensions, in spite of the “Union sacrée” respected by labor unions. At the same time, the loss of the main industrial territories represents a chance of a lifetime for the other regions, among which those whose textile industry is on the decline before the war. The high demands of the army and the high prices of private trade yeld important profits, and lead the State to adopt a war tax system and to repress the abuses. The return of the stricken industries at the end the conflict, the question of war damage and reinstatement of Alsace-Lorraine put the textile industries in the face of radical changes.

The objective of the study was to determine sheep growth performance, fleece weights and wool quality characteristics in the sweet and sourveld communal rangelands of the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. Data were obtained in 80 ewes aged two to three years, selected in four ecologically different communities. Two communities (Roxeni and Tyabane) were in a sweetveld area and the other two communities (Luzi I and Luzi II) were in a sourveld area. The ewes from Tyabane were nondescript, whereas ewes from Roxeni, Luzi I and Luzi II were crossbred between Merinos and non-descript sheep. Selected ewes were monitored for live weight, body condition scoring and fleece weight during shearing. Wool samples were collected from each ewe and were analysed for fibre diameter, comfort factor, clean yield, wool crimps, staple length, staple strength and the Position of break. Sheep from Roxeni were heavier (P <0.05) (39.9 ± 1.1kg) than sheep from Tyabane (29.8 ± 1.1kg). Sheep from Tyabane had the lightest (P <0.05) fleece weight (1.0 ± 1.1kg) and sheep from Roxeni had the heaviest (3.1 ± 1.1kg). There were no significant differences (P ≥0.05) between body condition scores of sheep in Roxeni and the Luzi communities. The live weights of the two-year old ewes were similar (P ≥0.05) to the three-year old ewes’ live weight. However, the three year old ewes had higher (P <0.05) body condition scores than the two year old ewes. Two year old ewes also had lower (P <0.05) fleece weight than the three years old ewes. Wool from Roxeni, Luzi I and Luzi II had lower fibre diameter (P <0.05) than wool from Tyabane. Roxeni sheep had the highest clean yield (P <0.05) of wool, followed by Luzi I and Luzi II; Tyabane had lowest clean yield percentage of wool. Wool from sheep grazing on sweetveld had a higher (P <0.05) clean yield percentage (74.3 ± 0.7%) than those grazing on sourveld (71.7 ± 0.7%). There were higher staple mid-breaks (69.5 ± 5.2) and lower base-breaks (30.5 ± 5.2) in sweetveld (P <0.05) than in sourveld, 7.5 ± 5.2 and 92.5 ± 5.2 for mid-breaks and lower base-breaks, respectively. It was concluded that sheep raised in the sweetveld and bred with purebred Merino rams had higher performance than the ones reared in the sourveld. The young upgraded ewes had a higher wool quality than the older ewes raised on communal rangelands.

À la fin du XVIIe siècle, en Europe, émerge un nouveau discours économique : le mercantilisme. S’ensuit une mainmise de plus en plus importante de l’administration royale sur l’industrie et l’économie du pays. Ce système économique domine largement la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle avant de progressivement s’essouffler face à la montée du libéralisme économique. Parmi les grandes industries de l’époque se trouve l’industrie lainière relativement dispersée sur l’ensemble du territoire. On observe tout de même une certaine concentration industrielle dans certaines généralités, principalement au nord de la France et dans le sud avec la région du Languedoc. Ces deux régions constituent les focales principales de notre étude. L’objectif est alors de comprendre comment le facteur géographique a influencé la formation et la réussite de groupes de pression dans l’industrie lainière dans un siècle d’évolution de la pensée économique. La première étude de cas porte sur le lobby lainier languedocien qui s’oppose aux privilèges économiques obtenus par les Marseillais auprès de l’administration royale. Ces derniers possèdent l’exclusivité du commerce avec la région du Levant, débouché principal de la production lainière du Languedoc. S’ensuivent alors de vives protestations et oppositions entre les deux protagonistes pour défendre les intérêts économiques de chacun. Enfin, notre seconde étude de cas nous mène à analyser les conséquences économiques de la signature du traité commercial franco-britannique en 1786. Premier traité de libre-échange entre la France et l’Angleterre, ce dernier n’est pas sans conséquence pour l’industrie lainière du nord de la France. Se forment, alors de véritables groupes de pression chez les industriels de la laine exigeant la modification du traité commercial. En réalité, cet accord matérialise une opposition entre deux groupes de pression, le premier issu d’un milieu rural vivant essentiellement de l’agriculture et le second issu d’un milieu urbain principalement industrialisé. / At the end of the 17th century, in Europe, a new economic discourse emerged: mercantilism. The result was a growing control by the royal administration over the countries’ industries and economy. This economic system dominated the first half of the 18th century before gradually weakening in the face of the rise of economic liberalism. Among the major industries at the time was the wool industry, which was relatively dispersed throughout the country. There was still a certain industrial concentration in certain généralité mainly in the north of France and in the south with the Languedoc region. These two regions constitute the main points of our study. The goal then is to understand how the geographic factor influences the formation and success of lobbies in the wool industry in a century of evolution of economic thinking. The first case study relates to the study of the wool industry in the Languedoc which opposes the economic privileges obtained by Marseille from the royal administration. The latter had exclusive rights to trade with the Levant region, the main outlet for Languedoc wool production. Huge protests and oppositions ensued between the two protagonists in order to defend the economic interests of each other. Finally, our second case study leads us to analyze the economic consequences of the signing of the Franco-British trade treaty in 1786. The latter had a huge consequence on the wool industry in the north of France. It the follow the emergence of a lobby in the wool industry demanding for a modification of the treaty. In reality this agreement materialized an opposition between two different kinds of pressure groups: the first one coming from a rural environment living primarily from agriculture; the second one coming from a mainly industrialized urban environment.

The New Zealand Wool Industry (NZWI) contributes over a billion dollars a year to NZ gross output. However, this industry is at a crossroads and the incumbent practitioners are looking for ways to increase the value of the New Zealand wool clip. The value of the industry to the economy is directly related to the price which buyers are prepared to pay for wool, primarily as a result of the marketing approaches used, physical parameters of wool as well as intra and inter-fibre competition. The inflation adjusted price has steadily decreased over recent years and understanding of its dynamics is a fundamental problem for the stakeholders. Among the stakeholders, buyers / exporters, heavily involved in the process of price formation currently face a real time problem of sourcing strong wool from two parallel but different marketing systems operated simultaneously – auction and direct supply. The underlying mathematics which governs the decision making of buyers on the price dynamics in these sourcing options is poorly understood. This study developed system models for price formation in both auction and direct supply sourcing and an associated optimization model for the buyer / exporter of the New Zealand wool clip. All three of these models were original and none appear to have been described previously. It is hoped that these three models will be of quite general utility and also be useful therefore for other agricultural commodities that are traded simultaneously via auction and direct supply. The average price for a given wool type, which is the output from this new modelling exercise is precisely what is required as input data for solving the minimization problem in wool blending models.