The thesis aims to uncover and challenge the prevailing assumptions related to transnational networks in the field of climate change (TNCCs). TNCCs are often seen as promoters of a more horizontal model for global climate governance. Throughout the chapters, the thesis challenges this common conception. Focusing on the relation between the C40 cities network and two Latin American cities, Lima and Mexico City, I argue that transnational networks are actors facilitating access to cities by transnational companies instead of solely promoting the sharing of experiences and the support for a more inclusive global climate governance model. Put differently, based on the empirical evidence, the thesis claims that transnational climate networks work as an instrument for the transnational capitalist class (TCC, see Carroll, 2010) promoting market-based solutions and economic hegemony in climate politics.
Empirically, the thesis shows how the C40 operates as a facilitator to transnational corporate investment in a range of infrastructures in cities from the global South. In particular, the study focuses on the intervention in urban policies related to Low Carbon Emissions Public Transportation (LCEPT) infrastructures. Both directly and indirectly – through other Western Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) (e.g., WRI, ITDP) - the C40 creates channels for transnational corporate actors to gain access to local policy-makers and, in that way, gain access to such transnational investments. As a result, these interventions impact the type of urban climate politics promoted in southern cities (a constant struggle between mitigation vs. adaptation policies) and the actors who benefits from these policies (private companies or the population).
The chapters in the first part help us to fill the gap in the conceptualization of the role of transnational networks in urban public policy. The literature survey shows that governance is conceptualized, for the most part, with an institutionalist framework undermined by the evidence given in the case studies. The theoretical chapters also reveal the misconceptions in the literature related to transnational networks, not as promoters of horizontal collaboration, but as facilitators for transnational companies and the private sector, promoting transnational corporate (TNC) developed solutions to climate change. Differing from the conceptions in the literature, transnational networks do not always promote an exchange of information and practices among its members. The transnational networks that have the support of philanthropic organizations or multimillionaire companies such as C40, prioritize the creation of public/private partnerships, as well as the endorsement of technical and TNC-developed responses when addressing climate change. Likewise, like the C40, transnational networks encourage a transfer of climate policies from IOs (mainly from the global north), multinational and philanthropic foundations that involve technological and market-based solutions with a top-bottom approach. As shown in the empirical chapters, legislation in both cases – Mexico City and Lima - promotes private actors. Nonetheless, access to the design and decision-making process of climate politics for local NGOs and civil society in general, is not the same as for transnational NGOs and wealthy philanthropies.
What transnational networks have brought to cities in the global South is the expansion and the reinforcement of economic links among the TCC. As a result, these transnational actors have included cities in Latin America in the last decades, utilizing business relations and infrastructure projects aligned to this TCC network. In other words, transnational networks promote economic relations and economic globalization at the city level. The present study reflects the dominance of Northern corporations and think-tanks in the ‘green sector’ as part of climate colonialism (Bachram, 2004; Katz-Rosene & Paterson, 2018; P. J. Newell & Paterson, 2010), indicating the way this transnational class drives the 'solutions' in urban climate politics.
The empirical section of the study shows the result from interviews performed between March 2017 and March 2018, and the analysis of the empirical evidence from official documents, legislation, and governmental programs until September 2018. The second part aims to illustrate the complexity of transnational governance through the observation, interpretation, and analysis of two representative cities in Latin America. The main goal is to show the how of transnational climate change relations in Latin American cities. For instance, how does the network C40 facilitate access to urban climate politics for other actors, and how do they work as intermediaries between multinational corporations and cities?
The study further demonstrates this argument by analyzing the influence of transnational actors in Lima and Mexico City, who working within the network C40 promote the implementation of a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system in each city. The chapter on LCEPT describes how transnational actors influence public transportation policies mainly in two ways: by offering technical solutions or contacting those who have technical solutions with city officers. These transnational actors contribute to shaping different cities' strategies in the public transportation sector. Throughout the rest of the chapters, the study demonstrates where the most substantial influence comes from. By observing urban climate policies in each city, the thesis shows the level of influence from transnational actors in LCEPT politics.
| Identifer | oai:union.ndltd.org:uottawa.ca/oai:ruor.uottawa.ca:10393/41555 |
| Date | 11 December 2020 |
| Creators | Leal Garcia, Jose Manuel |
| Contributors | Paterson, Matthew |
| Publisher | Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa |
| Source Sets | Université d’Ottawa |
| Language | English |
| Detected Language | English |
| Type | Thesis |
| Format | application/pdf |
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