Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Equatorial Guinea has, since the mid-1990s, been an oil-rich state. With the highest
GDP per capita it should be a continental leader in terms of development. Instead, it
ranks in one of the worst positions on the United Nations Development Programme’s
(UNDP) Human Development Index (HDI). This study employs the theory of neopatrimonialism
to explain why such a discrepancy in these development indicators is
evident.
As a result of examining the post-independence regimes in Equatorial Guinea through
the theoretical lens of neo-patrimonialism it is possible to conclude that the country is
afflicted by a governance curse, rather than the more narrowly defined ‘resource
curse’ that has become the central explanation of the situation in the country since the
discovery of oil favoured by the existing literature on the subject. Instead, this study
highlights the fact that the neo-patrimonial nature of the regime in Equatorial Guinea
has developed steadily over the years since independence was granted by Spain in
1968, and indeed, the seeds of this system were in fact evident during Spanish
colonial control.
Whilst the existing literature has focused on the role of oil in explaining the dire state
that Equatorial Guinea finds itself in, this study argues that there are other central
factors that need to be examined. These include: the Spanish colonial legacy that led
the way for such a system to take root; the role of the first post-independence
president, Macías Nguema (1968-1979) and; the regime of Obiang Nguema (1979-
present). By looking at these factors in addition to the role of oil it is possible to
conclude that the neo-patrimonial system in place in Equatorial Guinea has much
deeper roots than the existing literature acknowledges. It is vital to examine these
deeper roots in order to discover an understanding of and effective solution to the
current situation. Moreover, through examining the central features and operations of
the ‘predatory’ neo-patrimonial regime in Equatorial Guinea, most notably the
profligate spending and evident capital flight, it is possible to acknowledge the international nature of the problem: a factor that has heretofore been neglected in the
literature. A greater focus on this issue is necessary in order to understand why the
regime is sustained and what prospects there can be for future regime change.
The outcomes of the study suggest that a ‘predatory’ neo-patrimonial regime is the
central explanation for how the political sphere operates in Equatorial Guinea. This
means that there can be no distinction made between the central features of the state
and the personal property of those that rule it. It is a classic, modern-day example of
‘L’État c’est moi’. As such, the Nguema family have since independence treated the
state resources as their own private property to do with as they wish. This means that
there has been no attention paid to the development of Equatorial Guinea as it is not in
the interests of the ruling elites to do so. Instead, they utilise state resources for their
own self-enrichment. Such behaviour accounts for why despite having the highest
GDP per capita on the African continent, Equatorial Guinea has such a low rank in the
UNDP Human Development Index. It can therefore be concluded that Equatorial
Guinea is affected by a governance curse that has decimated the state since
independence, rather than the popularised theory of a ‘resource curse’ which has been
used in explanations since the discovery of oil in the mid-1990s.
iii / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ekwatoriaal-Guinee is reeds sedert die middel negentigerjare ’n olieryke staat. Met
die hoogste BBP per capita behoort dit die leier op die vasteland te wees wat
ontwikkeling betref. Dit beklee egter een van die laagste plekke op die menslike
ontwikkelingsindeks (HDI) van die Verenigde Nasies se Ontwikkelingsprogram
(UNDP). In hierdie studie is die teorie van neopatrimonialisme gebruik in ’n poging
om die teenstrydigheid in hierdie ontwikkelingsaanwysers te verklaar.
Op grond van ’n ondersoek van die regimes na onafhanklikheid in Ekwatoriaal-
Guinee deur die teoretiese lens van neopatrimonialisme kan die gevolgtrekking
gemaak word dat die land onder ’n regeringsvloek gebuk gaan, eerder as die eng
gedefinieerde ‘hulpbronvloek’ wat die vernaamste verklaring geword het vir die
situasie in die land sedert die ontdekking van olie, soos in die huidige literatuur oor
die onderwerp aangevoer word. Hierdie studie beklemtoon hierteenoor die feit dat die
neopatrimoniale aard van die regime in Ekwatoriaal-Guinee met verloop van tyd
ontwikkel het sedert Spanje die land in 1968 onafhanklik verklaar het. Die sade van
hierdie stelsel was inderwaarheid reeds sigbaar tydens Spaanse koloniale beheer.
Waar die bestaande literatuur fokus op die rol van olie in die verklaring van die
nypende toestand waarin Ekwatoriaal-Guinee verkeer, word in hierdie studie
aangevoer dat ander kernfaktore ook ondersoek moet word. Dit sluit in die Spaanse
koloniale erfenis wat die weg gebaan het vir die groei van so ’n stelsel; die rol van die
eerste president na onafhanklikwording, Macias Nguema (1968–1979); en die regime
van Obiang Nguema (1979 – tans). Deur hierdie faktore tesame met die rol van olie in
oorweging te bring, kan die gevolgtrekking gemaak word dat die neopatrimoniale
stelsel in Ekwatoriaal-Guinee veel dieper wortels het as wat in die bestaande literatuur
erken word. Die ondersoek van hierdie dieper wortels is noodsaaklik ten einde begrip
van en doeltreffende oplossings vir die huidige situasie te verkry. Deur die ondersoek
van die kernfaktore en -bedrywighede van die ‘roofsugtige’ neopatrimoniale regime in
Ekwatoriaal-Guinee, vernaamlik die roekelose verkwistinge en sigbare kapitaaluitvloei, is dit moontlik om die internasionale aard van die probleem te
identifiseer – ’n faktor wat tot op hede in die literatuur nagelaat is. Groter fokus op
hierdie kwessie is nodig ten einde te begryp waarom die regime volgehou word en
watter vooruitsigte daar is vir toekomstige regimeverandering.
Die uitkomste van hierdie studie doen aan die hand dat ’n ‘roofsugtige’
neopatrimoniale regime inderwaarheid die vernaamste verklaring is vir die werking
van die politieke sfeer in Ekwatoriaal-Guinee. Dit beteken dat geen onderskeid getref
kan word tussen die kerneienskappe van die staat en die persoonlike eiendom van
diegene in bewind nie. Dit is ’n klassieke, hedendaagse voorbeeld van ‘L’Etat c’est
moi’. As sodanig hanteer die Nguema-familie sedert onafhanklikwording die staat se
hulpbronne as hul eie private eiendom wat hulle na willekeur aanwend. Dit beteken
dat geen aandag gegee word aan die ontwikkeling van Ekwatoriaal-Guinee nie,
aangesien dit nie in die belange van die heersende elite is om dit te doen nie, en hulle
staatshulpbronne vir selfverryking gebruik. Sodanige gedrag verklaar die land se lae
posisie op die UNDP se HDI. Die gevolgtrekking kan dus gemaak word dat
Ekwatoriaal-Guinee onder ’n staatsvloek ly, wat die staat sedert onafhanklikwording
afmaai, eerder as die gewilde teorie van ’n ‘hulpbronvloek’.
| Identifer | oai:union.ndltd.org:netd.ac.za/oai:union.ndltd.org:sun/oai:scholar.sun.ac.za:10019.1/86299 |
| Date | 04 1900 |
| Creators | Foot, Anne |
| Contributors | Swart, Gerrie, Van der Westhuizen, Janis, Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences. Department of Political Science. |
| Publisher | Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University |
| Source Sets | South African National ETD Portal |
| Language | en_ZA |
| Detected Language | Unknown |
| Type | Thesis |
| Format | xi, 105 p. |
| Rights | Stellenbosch University |
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