Hyper-raising (HR) is a cross-clausal dependency where the DP subject of a
finite complement clause surfaces as an apparent argument of the matrix verb
(Alboiu and Hill, 2016; Carstens, 2011; Ferreira, 2004; Fong, 2017; Halpert,
2019; Lee and Yip, 2020; Nunes, 2008; Ura, 1994, 1995). HR is puzzling because
it involves apparent DP raising from a finite complement, even though
the driving mechanism of raising - the non-finiteness of the complement clause
- is absent. Nonetheless, the majority of the existing literature argues that
HR is, like raising, A-movement. In this thesis, I present novel data on HR
from Brazilian Portuguese that contradicts these analyses. Specifically, I
show that HR displays signature properties of a control dependency. Thus, I
argue that HR is not an instance of A-movement, but an instance of control
into a finite complement clause. I demonstrate a technical implementation
of the Agree Model of Control (Landau, 2000, 2004, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2010,
2013) in the context of HR in Brazilian Portuguese that accounts for the
relevant data while also providing novel predictions and extensions. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
| Identifer | oai:union.ndltd.org:mcmaster.ca/oai:macsphere.mcmaster.ca:11375/28887 |
| Date | January 2023 |
| Creators | Prado, Frederico |
| Contributors | Kučerová, Ivona, Cognitive Science of Language |
| Source Sets | McMaster University |
| Language | English |
| Detected Language | English |
| Type | Thesis |
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