A study of the impact of privatisation on human resource management (HRM) practices was carried out on 319 employees of two privatised utilities in Malaysia, the telecommunication and electricity organisations. Employees were surveyed after privatisation, and two sets of data referring to before and after privatisation were obtained. Dependent variables comprised measures of organisational commitment and job satisfaction. Independent variables were human resource management practices concerning pay, promotion, benefits, performance appraisal, job security, physical working conditions and training and development. The sample comprised nonexecutive employeesw orking at the headquarterso f both organisations. Data were collected by questionnaires. The results were analysed using SPSS for Windows 6.1 using Mests, chi-square, correlation analysis and multiple regression analysis. The results supported some propositions. First, significant differences were found regarding the practi ces of job security, performance appraisal, and training and development before and after privatisation in both organisations. Second, both similar and different antecedents of the affective commitment (wanting to belong), continuance commitment (needing to belong), and normative commitment (obligated to belong) emerged in both organisations before and after privatisation. Third, the antecedents of intrinsic satisfaction (motivating factors) and extrinsic satisfaction (hygiene factors) also exhibited similarities and differences before and after privatisation. The practices of training and development was found to have strong relationship with employees' affective and normative commitment and also with intrinsic and extrinsic satisfaction before privatisation. After privatisation, the common antecedents in both organisations were: training and development for affective commitment, benefits for continuance commitment, and benefits and training and development for normative commitment. The antecedents of intrinsic satisfaction after privatisation in both organisations were training and development and job security, while for extrinsic satisfaction the antecedent practices were performance appraisal and pay. Further analysis of the change in practices in both organisations indicated that training and development was associated strongly with all the dependent variables except continuance commitment. The result showed that changes in training and development were highly associated with affective and normative commitment and with intrinsic and extrinsic satisfaction in both organisations. Results in this study showed that training and development practice has a strong association with organisational. commitment and job satisfaction both before and after privatisation. Therefore it could be inferred that training and development is related to many aspects of employees' attitude regarding the organisation and their job. Management must clearly make a great effort to underst and employees' needs and behaviour and to meet their needs and expectations in order to have committed and satisfied employees working in their organisation.

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Firewall testing is important because fifewall faults can lead to security failures. Firewall testing is hard because firewall rules havdp&a+eters, producing a huge number of possible parameter combinations. This thesis presents a firewall testing methodology based on test templates, which are parameterized test cases. A firewall testing framework for iptables, the Linux firewall subsystem, has been implemented. Twelve test templates have been created for testing iptables parameters and extensions. A GUI tool is also provided to integrate these test templates with various test generation strategies. The most important of these strategies, painvise generation, has been investigated in detail. Based on the investigation, we developed an improved painvise generation algorithm.

This thesis examines the expansion of private maritime security provision, its regulation and implications for national and global security. The main research question addressed is: How are private maritime security companies (PMSCs) regulated in the context of the contemporary trend towards international security privatisation? However, further questions stem from this: Is the complex framework of the PMSCs’ business model adequately regulated? To what extent could the existing practices and regulatory framework affect international security in governance and policy, strategic, social and commercial terms? Qualitative research methods were used, strongly supported by empirical data collection – available due to extensive professional experience and personal engagement of the author with the private maritime security industry. Using a case study of PMSCs’ operations off Somalia from 2005-2013, and a plethora of selected data from primary sources and semi-structured interviews, the paper argues that there is need for more effective regulation of PMSCs and the establishment of international standards. Following an analysis of the current conceptual framework of private security, focussing particularly on maritime security, in the context of contemporary academic literature and professional practice, the paper provides a detailed theoretical justification for the selection of the methodology used. After broadening and deepening the analysis of the privatisation of security ashore, the concerns raised are then transferred to the maritime domain. The situation becomes even more complicated in the high seas due to inconsistencies between flag states’ regulations, the unregulated vastness of the oceans and the reluctance of any international body (such as the IMO) to undertake the essential task of regulating PMSCs. Building on this, an analytical framework that enables the integration of maritime security and contemporary piracy into the contemporary paradigm of global security is developed. An historical overview of piracy then demonstrates that modern piracy is an ancient phenomenon with contemporary local characteristics. The maritime crime’s causal factors remain more or less the same throughout human history and, the paper argues, PMSCs serve as a short term response to address the symptoms rather than the root causes. Given that PMSCs have so far been used primarily as measures against Somali piracy, activities in this specific region provide an appropriate case study. The development of a typology of piracy offers a deeper understanding of the regional distinctiveness of the phenomenon, which is essential to acquiring a holistic picture of the operational environment in which PMSCs are deployed. The above considerations are used as a basis for analysing the complexities of the PMSCs’ business model, in legal, operational and ethical terms. The questionable practices involved in these are not fully regulated by national states. Hence, their contract and deployment raise ethical, legal and operational concerns. In the penultimate chapter, these are further assessed in terms of the extent to which the existing regulatory framework and PMSCs’ practices affect international security in governance and policy, strategic, social and commercial terms. The research indicates that states are increasingly outsourcing the monopoly they have exercised in security provision - a trend that has also expanded the private sector’s activities and business at sea. However, the lack of international laws and the consequent unstandardized plethora of flag states’ regulations has meant that the burgeoning private security services are dependent on the global market to regulate themselves. States’ reluctance and/or inability to regulate these companies has allowed controversial practices to persist and the lack of an international body responsible for their regulation and vetting on a worldwide basis has inevitable consequences in terms of global security. The overall outcome of this thesis is an elucidation of the potential implications of the privatisation of maritime security - both positive and negative. Most significantly, it suggests this could present a significant threat to international security in the near future.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / The Naval Postgraduate School Center for Information Systems Security Studies and Research (CISR) is designing and developing a distributed multilevel secure (MLS) network known as the Monterey Security Architecture (MYSEA). MYSEA will permit the delivery of unmodified commercial off the shelf productivity software applications and data from a large number of single-level network domains (e.g., NIPRNET, SIPRNET, JWICS) to a trusted distributed operating environment that enforces MLS policies. The analysis and development of a communications framework necessary to support connections between multiple MLS servers and a set of high assurance network appliances supporting simultaneous access to multiple single level networks and their concurrent connection management is required to fulfill the goal of MYSEA. To enable this functionality, modifications to the existing MYSEA server, the development of a new high assurance communications security device - the Trusted Channel Module (TCM), and the implementation of a trusted channel between the MYSEA server and the TCM is required. This document specifies a framework for incorporating the high level design of the TCM, several trusted daemons and databases, plus the incorporation of a trusted channel protocol into MYSEA to enable a distributed MLS environment. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Japan faces new security challenges due to the rise of China, the potential nuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and the distraction of the United States forces caused by the "War on Terror". This will mean that, increasingly, Japan must take care of its own defense requirements. Unfortunately, this will not be an easy transition for a country with a past of militarism and colonial expansion, an aversion to nuclear weapons, and a political structure that has purposely limited the role and resources of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces (JSDF). This thesis examines the legacies of the past - militarism, colonialism, the aversion to nuclear weapons, and the political structure that emerged after 1945, and assesses how those legacies impact the adaptation of the JSDF to the new security requirements of the 21st Century. The basic conclusion is that Japan needs to emerge from under the security umbrella of the a military power commensurate with its economic power. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

Although the United States has maintained a one-China policy since 1972, U.S. actions have upheld de facto Taiwan sovereignty in the face of Chinese threats of forceful reunification. This seemingly contradictory American stance has focused Chinese attention on the Taiwan issue and the U.S. role in perpetuating it. The growing economic interdependence between Taiwan and the mainland make peaceful reunification a plausible exigency. If China no longer needs to worry about this historical thorn in its paw, it is logical it would divert its attention and energies elsewhere. This thesis examines the current state of economic, socio-political, and military considerations between the United States and the People's Republic of China to infer the likelihood of either cooperation or contention between the two nations in a post-reunification era. The thesis argues that endemic suspicion and competition between China and the United States make moot the possible amelioration in relations a PRC-ROC reunification might present. The thesis concludes that American policy should be tailored to address the Chinese challenge in a post-unification world.

This research examines ethnic conflicts in Indonesia from 1998 to 2004 in an attempt to identify their underlying causes by using two case studies of ethnic conflict, one on Maluku Island and one in Poso, Central Sulawesi. The lessons learned that I drew from those two case studies address the questions, of why have ethnic conflicts in Indonesia taken place more frequently since 1998 and what the best strategies for the Indonesian government to use to prevent the eruption of ethnic conflicts in Indonesia in the future? With regard to the lessons learned from Maluku and Poso, this research generally concludes that underlying factors such as political disputes, economic and social disparities, religious and cultural differences, and tribal disputes have contributed to the current ethnic conflicts in Indonesia. Among the underlying factors, political disputes and economic and social disparities outweighed the other factors and played a more significant role in triggering the initial conflicts. This research contributes valuable information to the Indonesian government and nongovernmental organizations in dealing with future ethnic conflicts in Indonesia.

This thesis examines the dilemma of Ukrainian integration into Europe and analyzes the significance and prospect of Ukrainian membership in NATO following the 2004 â Orange Revolution.â The extraordinary election of Victor Yushchenko became a powerful catalyst for Ukrainian integration efforts into Europe and amplified Ukraineâ s geopolitical plight between Europe and Eurasia. Although Russia remains Ukraineâ s â eternal strategic partner,â President Yushchenko affirmed his intention to integrate Ukraine into the EU and the NATO. However, EU accession remains improbable due to years of empty Ukrainian reform efforts coupled with recent setbacks within the EU. Consequently, the Ukrainian path into Europe starts with NATO integration. Despite periods of political discord, Ukraine and NATO share a history of military cooperation, and Ukraine would be an asset within the transformed Alliance. After the Orange Revolution, NATO quickly moved to consolidate democracy, promote reforms, and facilitate future Ukrainian integration into Europe. With support, Ukraine may fulfill the necessary conditions for NATO accession in the coming years. However, the notion of NATO membership is still unpopular among Ukrainians, and anti-NATO influence in Ukraine remains significant. The onus remains on Ukraine to take the actions needed to join the Euro-Atlantic and European communities, and long-term success remains uncertain.

Relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan have remained estranged mainly due to Afghanistan's revanchist claim made about Pakistan's western province and its non-recognition of the Durand Line as the international border. With a hostile India to the East, Pakistan can ill-afford another irredentist neighbor. Since 1947 both countries have interfered in each other's domestic affairs. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan forced Pakistan to wage a proxy war in Afghanistan, garnering the support of Western and Arab allies. Since the end of Cold war, Pakistan continued its forward policy in Afghanistan through support of Taliban. Its prime security interest in Afghanistan remains having a friendly government in Kabul. After the September 11, 2001 attacks, Pakistan abandoned support of Taliban and joined the U.S.-led coalition to destroy the Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Once again, Pakistan encountered a deep-seated hostility, this time from the Northern Alliance, which dominates the new power structure in Kabul. Skepticism and fear remain as both countries move cautiously to revitalize bilateral ties. This thesis analyzes Pakistan's Afghanistan policy from 1947 to 2001. It recommends Pakistan's effective engagement with Afghanistan. While Pakistan protects its legitimate security interests, it must refrain from actively interfering in Afghanistan's political future. The thesis will also recommends that the United States should substantively remain engaged in Afghanistan to stabilize the region, assist with the reconstruction of Afghanistan, ensure non interference of regional actors, and finally and most importantly help settle the Durand Line issue once and for all.