Texte remanié de: Ph.D.--Social ethics--Boston, Mass.--Boston university, 1980. / Bibliogr. p. 312-326. Index.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University, 1988. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-144).

Thesis (MHCS (History)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1982. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 244-253).

Akademisk avhandling--Samhällsvetenskap--Uppsala, 1980. / Bibliogr. p. 227-234.

Between 1972 and 1979, the politicians and officials of South Africa's Department of Information attempted to manipulate and neutralise the international media's treatment of South Africa. This programme of activity was exposed at the end of the decade in what became known as the Information scandal. Meanwhile, in Europe and North America, South African exiles and British and American citizens opposed to apartheid, campaigned under the banner of 'anti-apartheid'. Foreign correspondents in South Africa numbered little more than a dozen in 1972. By the end of the 1970s, they had become a formidable force. This expansion was directly related to events on the ground, most notably the South African invasion of Angola (1975) and the Soweto uprising (1976). The introduction of the Cold War to the southern African sub-continent transformed the nature of the international media's coverage, leading, eventually, to a greater American media presence in South Africa. The increased number of American journalists, resident in the Republic, served to expand the scope of the debate regarding the intertwining of colonialism and racism in apartheid. In general, Americans tended to represent South Africa as a metaphor for the racial problems of the United States, whereas British commentators discussed the country in the context of a decolonisation story that had somehow gone wrong. One of the most significant developments in the coverage of South Africa, during the 1970s, was the re-emergence of colonial representations of both Africans and Afrikaners. This followed the temporary' suspension of such representations in the 1960s. Despite the extensive efforts of the anti-apartheid movements and the Department of Information to influence the Stiuth African 'story', these shifts in representation appear to have originated with the international media. It should, however, be acknowledged that the British and American media's dependence on the South African English-language press remained profound throughout the decade.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Sport has both uniting and dividing features, often manifesting contradictory outcomes in terms of conflict or co-operation. Sport is a social construct and its role and function depends largely on what society makes of it, and how it is consumed by society. If sport’s potential is to unfold, the dividing features should be guarded against and the desired positive effects must be furthered. The aim of this study is twofold; on the one hand, the study focuses on evaluating the post-apartheid South Africa’s experience, of reconciliation through Sport Intervention Programs (SIPs), and on the other hand, the study explores mechanisms through which sport can serve as a vehicle to integrate racialized South African youth identities with the aim of promoting, reconciliation and integration for change. The study identified 12 Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) that are facilitating grassroots sport initiatives that use sport as a platform to combat social issues in previously marginalised communities of the Western Cape Province, South Africa. Purposive sampling was used to identify12 focus group discussions, consisting of 10participants in each group, ranging from 14-20 years, totaling 100 youth as well as another group of 13 respondents for semi-structured interviews, ranging from 25-68 years old, which include sport managers, coaches/officials, role models, government and UN officials, who contributed to the SIPs and their organizations in different capacities. Both the discussion groups and face-to-face interviews were conducted on a voluntary basis. Thematic content analysis was carried-out to analyse the data. This study explored existing theories, literature, and good intervention practices, and has established the relative interlinkages between sport and peace-building, as pivotal to the ongoing scholarly debates in the field of Sport for Development and Peace (SDP). From the findings, reconciliation and integration through SIPs may require a unique method in the holistic approach for transformation and social change in post-1994. From the findings in this study, the SIPs’ effort and approaches highlighted a number of positive inroads. The majority of the discussion groups and face-to-face interviewees felt the desire to have a united and non-racial South Africa. Within the discussion group, the notion of the ‘Rainbow Nation’ emerged as a ‘counter discourse’, and, a reaction to the apartheid discourse ‘racial segregation’, both discourses found to have impacts on the youth identities. The youth participants also referred as ‘Born Frees’ are still deeply marked by their racialized past, but they also showed a drive to make a different present, and a new future. From the findings, the SIPs foci of learning by doing, such as team cohesion on the field, and peace education off the field were found instrumental in building relationship. Networking, non-violent conflict resolution, and collaboration for shared goals, which reduced, negative perceptions among the South African racialized youth, at personal and relational level. However, the structural and cultural dimensions require multiple changes at all societal levels. The interconnection of the hierarchies of change in relation to the program in-put, out-puts and outcomes, on how the attitudes and behaviours of the individual youth are expected to change by the SIPs, and how these personal changes are sought to change the structural, and cultural practices, within the programme design, monitoring and evaluation of the SIPs were found unclear, and under-developed. The reflexive learning within the current research process postulate that, first, conflict resolution, racial integration and reconciliation within the SIPs endeavors is characterized by a complex set of factors and dynamic forces on the ground such as race relations and social change. As such, a systems approach is necessary to approach this field in comprehensive manner. The present research study shows that a model is required that needs to integrate the various elements in a comprehensive fashion to promote reconciliation, conflict resolution, peace and development. Secondly, the SIPs may serve as a platform and provide contextual mechanism for conflict resolution, and this study discovered that the ‘theory of change approach’ is an effective tool to unpack the change process between the SIPs’ activities and its ultimate goal. Thirdly the genuine effort of SIPs and its NGOs in the lives of the future leaders is well articulated; however, they seem to confront a problem way bigger than their capacity, which involves power and massive resources. The fieldwork experience from the present study, commends the SIPs’ culture of networking, and collaboration can only be enhanced when it is framed by the ‘scaling-up’ strategy developed by Lederach et al. for wider social impact, and,sustainability. In light of the findings, while the above three imperatives considered as an original contribution to the existing knowledge in the field of Sport for Development and Peace (SDP), it also concluded by providing possible recommendations that may guide sport practitioners to effectively design, implement, monitor and evaluate programmes and the SIPs’ in post-apartheid South Africa, in Africa and beyond.

AFRIKAANS: Die ekologiese wêreldkrisis is die gevolg van die mens se oorskryding van die perke ten opsigte van vrede, geregtigheid en die heelheid van die skepping. Die kerk het bygedra tot hierdie krisis, en daarom kan dié krisis as ‘n sendingkrisis gesien word. Deur prinsipieel-teologiese beredenering bring hierdie studie duidelikheid oor die kerk se aandeel aan die ekologiese krisis in die wêreld as makrokonteks (afdeling A) en in Suid-Afrika as mikrokonteks (afdeling B) en oor die kerk se missionêre roeping as antwoord op dié krisis. ‘n Ekologiese sendingbenadering bied ‘n oplossing vanuit Suid-Afrika as mikrokonteks vir die wêreld in ‘n makrokonteks (afdeling C). Die studie word in drie afdelings aangebied. Afdeling A onder die opskrif: Die ekologiese krisis en die sending, ondersoek die invloed van die sending op die huidige ekologiese krisis in die makrokonteks. Aangesien die industriële rewolusie die grootste bydrae tot die ekologiese krisis gelewer het, word die sending se aandeel aan die krisis binne drie verskillende tydperke ondersoek. Gedurende die voorindustriële tydperk word die Middeleeuse klooster as teelaarde vir 'n kultuur van plundering bekyk. Verder word die proses van kolonisasie bespreek. Gedurende die vroeë industriele tydperk word daar gefokus op die wêreldbeskouing waardeur die mens as subjek teenoor die.aarde as objek te staan sou kom. 'n Kritiese blik word op die sending se propagering van die Westerse kultuur as 'n kultuur van vooruitgang gewerp. Gedurende die volwasse industriële tydperk word daar gekyk na die sending se bydrae in die totstandkoming van 'n teologie van ontwikkeling. Afdeling B se opskrif is: 'n Ekologiese perspektief op sending in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Hier word op ekologie en sending in Suid-Afrika as mikrokonteks gefokus. Aangesien kolonisasie, industrialisasie en groot-apartheid die grootste bydraende faktore tot die ekologiese krisis in Suid-Afrika is, word die,sending se aandeel tot die krisis ook hier in drie verskillende tydperke hanteer. Gedurende die voorindustriële tydperk word daar gefokus op die sending se aandeel aan die viervoudige proses van grondroof as aspek van die kolonisasieproses. Gedurende die vroeë, industriële tydperk word daar gekyk hoedat die sending doelbewus industriële kultuurwaardes en die Naturelle Grond Wet van 1913 help vestig het. Gedurende die volwasse industriële tydperk word daar gefokus op die sending se steun aan 'n onregverdige sosio-ekonomiese en sosio-politieke sisteem wat op groot-apartheid sou uitloop. Afdeling C onder die opskrif: Riglyne vir 'n ekologiese sendingbenadering in ‘n postapartheid Suid-Afrika, wil die kerk se missionêre roeptng in 'n ekologiese krisis-wêreld verwoord. Hierdie benadering word in terme van tien aspekte van die sending omskrywe. Die basis en vertrekpunt van so 'n benadering is gerig op die koninkryk van God: Geregtigheid teenoor die kosmos vorm die kern van hierdie benadering. 'n Ekologiese sendingbenadering as onder meer evangelisasie, behels dat die Goeie Nuus van Jesus Christus se verlossing so verkondig moet word dat dit die sondaarmens oproep tot 'n nuwe lewe waarin qie nuwe mens as rentmeester van God se skepping lewe. 'n Ekologiese sendingbenadering as Eko-Teologie roep onder meer die kerk tot 'n nuwe manier van teologisering wat ingrypende implikasies vir Teologiese opleiding in 'n postapartheid Suid-Afrika inhou. 'n Ekologiese sendingbenadering vanuit 'n postapartheid Suid-Afrika as mikrowêreld bied vrede, geregtigheid en die heelmaking van die skepping as die kerk se missionêre antwoord op die ekologiese krisis vir die makrowêreld. ENGLISH: Mankind has shattered the justice, peace and integrity of creation. This has resulted in the ecological crisis of the world. The Church has contributed to this crisis. Therefore it may be seen as a mission crisis. Through theological analysis this study examines the role of the Church’s mission regarding the ecological crisis in the world in a macrocontext (section A) and microcontext (section B), as well as the Church’s vocation in the light thereof (section C). An ecological approach to mission from South Africa in a microcontext offers a model for this vocation in a macrocontext. The study consists of three parts. During the pre-industrial-period the study focuses on Medieval monasteries. Among other things a culture of plunder evolved here. The process of colonialism was also the result. In the early industrial period the focus is set on that philosophy of life in which man came to be the subject in opposition to the earth as object. This philosophy brought about the missionary proclamation of a Western culture of progress. During the mature industrial period the contribution of mission towards the establishment of a theology of development is discussed. In part two an ecological perspective on mission in the South African context is given. Because colonialism, industrialisation and grand apartheid are the greatest contributing factors to the ecological crisis in South Africa, mission's contribution towards the crisis is examined during three periods: During the pre-industrial period, the study focuses on the quadruple process mission undertook in the process of colonisation. During the early industrial period the study reflects on how mission deliberately helped establish a set of industrial cultural values and the Land Act of 1913. The mature industrial period focuses on the support of mission to the creation of an unequal socio-economical and socio-political substructure which would eventually lead to grand-apartheid. In order to express the Church’s mission agenda in an ecological crisis world, part three under the heading: Guidelines towards an ecological approach to mission in a post-apartheid South Africa, presents a few guidelines for a new approach to mission in a post-apartheid South Africa. An ecological approach as a comprehensive approach, includes the following aspects: Mission directed towards the Kingdom of God serves as basis and point of departure for such an approach whereas justice towards the cosmos forms the centre thereof. An ecological approach to mission also consists of evangelism where the Good News of the Gospel of Jesus Christ calls mankind as sinner, to a new life in which man’s stewardship of God’s creation is being acknowledged. An ecological approach to mission as Eco-Theology calls the Church to a new way of theologising with radical implications for theological formation in a post-apartheid South Africa. An ecological approach to mission from the microcontext of a post-apartheid South Africa, offers justice, peace and the integrity of creation as the Church’s missiological response to the world in ecological need in the macrocontext. / Thesis (DD)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Science of Religion and Missiology / unrestricted

Magister Artium (Psychology) - MA(Psych) / Apartheid created deep-rooted emotional scars of inequality, discrimination, and racial tension within the South African population. Literature regarding the population of contemporary South Africans remains, to some extent, divided by racial lines (Naidoo, Stanwix, & Yu, 2016; Harris, 2016). Since caregivers are the main socialisation agents influencing adolescents this research study sought to explore caregivers’ experiences of apartheid as a means to create an understanding of the views and perspectives of apartheid that are relayed by South African caregivers to their children.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2015. / The word apartheid refers to the racist belief that certain people are less human than others. In South Africa, the system technically began with the 1913 Land Act which set aside eighty-seven per cent (87%) of the most fertile land for white South Africans, leaving behind only thirteen per cent (13%) to be shared by the majority black Africans. This unequivocally generated a socio-political crisis in the country. Despite a plethora of literature on apartheid as such, there seems to have been some paucity of empirical studies on apartheid’s compulsion, its demise and the rise of a new political era during the period from 1948 to 1994. Puzzlement and curiosity within the public mind in South Africa and the world, about the gross violation of civil liberties perpetrated by the apartheid regime, prompted a scientific study of this nature. This study does not argue that the year 1948 marked the beginning of compulsive policies in South Africa On the contrary; there were various forms of compulsions that existed in South Africa prior to the period in question. The year 1948, however, serves as the point of departure for the study. The year 1948 ushered in the adoption and implementation of apartheid’s -social engineering by the ruling National Party- as an official State ideology. Between 1948 and 1988, a series of compulsive racial laws, which violated fundamental civil liberties, were passed by the South African parliament. Compulsive structures and strategies were devised and refined by the apartheid regime on the assumption of power in 1948 to safeguard and perpetuate the power in the face of a hostile and non-compliant majority. This led to a gradual, peaceful protest which later metamorphosed into various forms of political struggle. It was these forms of struggle that ensured the demise of apartheid and witnessed the advent of a new political dispensation in South Africa. From 1988 various political prisoners embarked on a hunger strike as a form of resistance to demonstrate their anger and rejection of apartheid compulsion. The hunger strike attracted the attention of the international community. This eventually led to more criticism and put pressure on the apartheid regime. As such, diplomatic and economic embargoes were placed on South Africa which greatly undermined its political and economic interests. What followed was mass disobedience and violent protests from different racial groups against the apartheid regime, thereby leading to the deaths of thousands of people, particularly those who vehemently opposed the compulsive racial laws. The victims that survived were either injured, imprisoned or forced to go into exile. Thus, the period between 1988 and 1990 was marked by intense resistance. In addition, the period in question destabilised the very foundation of 'apartheism' as an ideology in South Africa. It also signalled the demise of the compulsive segregationist policies in the country. The years between 1990 and 1994 played a vital role in the history and historiography of South Africa. They witnessed the release of the long-awaited political prisoner, Nelson Mandela, who championed the remaining campaigns against the compulsive apartheid tendencies. He was officially and unconditionally released from prison after spending about 10,000 days behind bars. The period in question was characterised by various apartheid strategies aimed at destabilising the liberation movement. The regime introduced improved survival strategies in arming the police and other security agents with more power to crush all forms of insurrection against it. In the space of four years, thousands of people lost their lives in regime-sponsored and politically related violence. South Africa was thrown into a state of anarchy characterised by, among other things, intense rivalry among political formations. The year 1994, however, witnessed a departure from apartheid to democracy. It paved the way for the emergence of Nelson Mandela as the first democratically elected president of South Africa. The period between 1994 and 1996 played a vital role towards consolidating a popular democratic political system in South Africa. The emerging government was faced with a plethora of administrative, social, economic and political challenges. In 1996, the Government of National Unity (GNU), as part of its policy for national reconciliation, established a commission of enquiry known as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The commission’s mandate was to investigate various crimes committed by both the regime and other opposition political organisations, including the liberation movement. The findings of the commission revealed that the apartheid regime and its agencies, the Inkatha Freedom Party, IFP, the African National Congress, ANC, and other political groupings had committed varying degrees of abuses on fundamental civil liberties in South Africa. It could be argued that South Africa’s democratic elections produced an outcome which closely paralleled the Namibian experience and not that of Angola. The advent of a new political dispensation was welcomed and accepted beyond the borders of South Africa. The tri-cameral parliament with its dominant white house, token houses for ‘Coloured’ and ‘Indian’ populations and total exclusion of African blacks, disappeared and was superseded by a democratically elected non-racial parliament. The homeland or Bantustan structures, i.e. the four (4) ‘independent’ and the six (6) ‘self-governing’ homelands melted away, capitulated or were deposed in the headlong and non-compulsive run-up to South Africa’s first democratic elections. Although the structures disappeared, their legacy lingered on in the form of a multiplicity of effects with which South Africa has had to grapple for years to come. Nominally the architects of apartheid’s compulsion survived the transfer of power to a majority government. Given their past record, they were extremely fortunate not to have been summarily banished to the political wilderness. This could be attributed either to the generosity of spirit displayed by the majority or to the good sense of the majority in pursuit of a compromise path to limit the possibility of violent conflict, or perhaps a mixture of both. A democracy, given the seminal role played by the security establishment as the instrument of compulsion and destabilisation, required security institutions for its continued well-being. Thus, the transformation of these institutions from instruments of compulsion to friendly protectors of civil liberties was crucial. Thus, from 1996 onwards, the new South Africa was substantially free from the kind of political violence which had resulted in deaths on an on-going basis.