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Perspectives of democratization in the Arab world / Perspectives of democratization in the Arab worldKaliyeva, Aziza January 2013 (has links)
"Arab World" is the only region in the world that lacks democratic values. However, back in December 2010, the authoritarian regimes of the Middle East had faced rapid and remarkable political change under the dynamics of the so-called "Arab Spring". The existing regimes in some of the Arab countries have met the popular opposition that demanded for the changes towards democratization processes, which was perceived by many scholars as a positive factor to the emergence of democracy. Since then, the question of the perspective of democratization of the Arab world has come to the agenda of most political debates. Thus, the aim of this thesis is to discuss and analyze whether democracy is able to develop in Arab region, what are the main challenges to it and whether in the past four years Arab Spring has facilitated the transformation of the political regimes.
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The Case for Wataniyya: Democracy and National Identity in the Arab Middle EastToghramadjian, Hagop January 2017 (has links)
Thesis advisor: Peter Krause / What explains the lack of democracy in the Arab Middle East, when so many other, less wealthy regions of the world have democratized over the past five decades? This thesis engages with each of the major explanations for the "Arab democracy deficit"--Islam, the "oil curse," authoritarian statecraft, and external intervention--but argues that there is a more fundamental culprit for the region's woes: the weakness of state-based nationalism. At a time when nationalism is increasingly seen as synonymous with exclusion and discrimination, such a finding may strike many observers as counterintuitive. However, this thesis theoretically and empirically demonstrates how healthy, state-based nationalism can provide the societal cohesion needed to establish liberal governance. It then offers in-depth analyses of the development of national identity and democracy in eleven separate Arab countries, arguing that the rise of regional Arab nationalism in the 1950s severely undermined the development of state-based nationalism (wataniyya), and laid the groundwork for decades of instability, civil strife, and oppression. Fortunately, the examples of Tunisia and Lebanon--and to some extent Jordan and Morocco--demonstrate that wataniyya can lead to much more democratic outcomes when properly nurtured. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2017. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Scholar of the College. / Discipline: Political Science.
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Η αποτελεσματικότητα των αραβικών χρηματιστηριακών αγορών : σχέση και διάδραση με τις αναπτυγμένες και αναπτυσσόμενες κεφαλαιαγορές / The efficiency of Arab stock markets, its interrelationships and interactions with developed and developing stock marketsZarour, Bashar Abu 24 November 2008 (has links)
- / In an efficient market, prices adjust instantaneously toward their fundamental values; as a
consequence prices should always reflect all available information. Here we consider market
efficiency for new emerging markets in the Middle East region. Emerging markets are typically
characterized by illiquidity, thin trading, and possibly non-linearity in returns generating process.
Firstly, we adjust observed daily indices for nine Arab stock markets for infrequent trading, while
the logistic map has been used to determine whether non-linearity exists in returns generating
process. Next we used several econometric models to test for market efficiency. The results of
runs test, variance ratio, serial correlation, BDS, and regression analysis indicate that we can
reject the hypothesis that lagged price information cannot predict future prices. In other words,
prices do not follow random walk properties; even after correction for thin trading.
We next analyze volatility structure using GARCH models. The results of GARCH
(1,1) model indicate that volatility clustering still seems to characterize some markets. While in
three markets (Egypt, Kuwait, and Palestine) volatility seems to be persistent. Moreover, the
results of EGARCH (1,1) model show that four markets (Bahrain, Dubai, Kuwait, and Oman)
exhibit signs of leverage effect and asymmetric shocks to volatility. Compared with other
emerging and international markets; Arab stock markets display relatively low rate of excessive
volatility as indicated by Schwert model. Furthermore, the dependence in the second moment
found to be quite enough to characterize the non-linear structure in the time series. Finally, we
find that seasonality and calendar effects exist in Arab markets with three forms; day-of-the-week
effect, month-of-the-year effect and the Halloween indicator. We conclude that Arab stock
markets under examination are not efficient in the week form sense of efficient market
hypothesis.
There is a large body of empirical evidence that financial markets become highly
integrated. According to modern portfolio theory, gains from international portfolio
diversification are related inversely to the correlation of equity returns. The results of multivariate
cointegration techniques, structural vector autoregression (SVAR) and vector autoregression
(VAR) models indicate that, there is no cointegrating relation between Arab and international
stock markets. The results of SVAR show that the linkage between international and Arab
markets is very weak. Next we investigate the dynamic relationships among Arab markets them
selves, and how do other factors; such as oil prices, affect the performance of these markets
especially for Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) stock markets. To do that, Arab markets have
been divided into two sub-groups: oil production countries (GCC countries) and non-oil
production countries (Jordan, Egypt, and Palestine). The results indicate the existence of long-run
relation between markets, however, the short-run linkages still very weak. Non-oil countries’
markets can offer diversification benefits for rich GCC investors. Moreover, oil prices found to
have a significant effect on GCC markets and dominate the long-run equilibrium. Oil prices play
a significant role in affecting GCC markets’ volatility. While after the raise in oil prices;
especially during the last two years, linkages between oil prices and GCC markets increased. Four
GCC markets have predictive power on oil prices, with two markets to be predicted by oil prices.
We conclude that Arab stock markets can offer diversification potentials for regional and
international investors. Oil prices have a significant effect on GCC markets.
Finally, we suggest a strategic plan to improve these markets based on two main broad
goals, improving market efficiency and increasing market liberalization. To achieve these goals
we identify specific targets and strategies that could be realized through tactical programs and
activities.
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A diplomacia dos petrodólares: relações do Brasil com o mundo árabe (1973-1985)Traumann, Andrew Patrick [UNESP] 23 February 2007 (has links) (PDF)
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traumann_ap_me_assis.pdf: 579521 bytes, checksum: 2282f70cc7a1b74a74ef6e21ae9c408a (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho trata das relações entre o Brasil e o Mundo Árabe, especialmente depois da primeira crise do petróleo, em 1973. Diante da disparada do preço do petróleo, o Brasil passou a intensificar o seu intercambio diplomático e comercial com os países árabes no intuito de suavizar os efeitos da crise. De forma inédita e adotando uma política externa pragmática baseada no interesse comercial do país, o governo Geisel incrementou as relações do Brasil com o Oriente Médio e norte da África. Nesta busca por novos aliados, destacou-se o Iraque. A amizade Brasil-Iraque começou com a prospecção de petróleo e a descoberta pela Petrobrás do poço iraquiano de Majnoon, um dos maiores do mundo, e também pela construção de estradas e ferrovias. / This work deals with the relations between Brazil and the Arab World, especially after the First Oil Crisis of 1973. To face the fast rise of the oil prices, Brazil started to intensify diplomatic and commercial affairs with the Arab countries in intention to reduce the effects of the crisis. Adopting a new and more pragmatic foreign politics, based in the commercial interest of the country, the Geisel government developed the relations of Brazil with the Middle East and North of Africa. In this search for new allies, Iraq was distinguished. The Brazil-Iraq friendship started with the prospection of oil and the discovery by Petrobras, of the Iraqi well of Majnoon, one of the greatest of the world, and also the building of roads and railroads in that country.
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La politique arabe de la Russie postsoviétique : approche géographique et géopolitique d'une politique étrangère / The Arab policy of post-soviet Russia : geographical and geopolitical approach of a foreign policyMohammedi, Adlene 05 December 2017 (has links)
Dans le cadre d’un travail pluridisciplinaire mis au service de la géographie, la présente thèse évoque différents aspects de la «politique arabe» de la Russie postsoviétique. Après une analyse de la place de la géopolitique dans l’univers intellectuel et politique russe, une étude de la politique étrangère russe actuelle, une réflexion sur la situation dans le monde arabe, le texte revient sur une politique russe appréhendée sous l’angle de l’opposition entre logiques territoriales et logiques réticulaires. L’économie, les médias, l’énergie, le droit, l’histoire et la littérature sont autant de disciplines et d’outils mis au service d’un travail qui demeure avant tout géographique. / In this multidisciplinary work, however mainly geographical, different dimensions of the current Russian policy towards the Arab world are introduced and analysed. After a focus on recent geopolitical debates in Russia, a study of Moscow’s foreign policy, an analysis of the political situation in the Arab world, this dissertation tackles on Russia’s policy through a particular paradigm: the opposition between reticular and territorial aims and practices. Though the study is mostly geographical, economics, media, energy politics, law, history and even literature are used to reach comprehensive results.
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Towards a 'late rentier' structure of labour market governance in the Gulf Cooperation Council : a comparative analysis of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and QatarOlver, Sophie January 2018 (has links)
Throughout the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Member states, a number of significant policy reforms have coincided with significant changes in their socio-economic trajectories. This is especially evident within the employment domain, where a rapidly increasing labour force challenges the capacity of the regions domestic labour markets to provide employment. With increasing unemployment rates, combined with the region’s burgeoning young population, of whom some are well educated and seeking first-time employment, strain is placed on labour markets that were traditionally characterised by high levels of inactivity, a low skills base for the native population, the substantial presence of migrant labour and extensive segmentation and inequalities across wage and gender lines. The political implications for the future political stability and regime legitimacy in these states are easy to imagine and the challenges ahead are substantial. Moreover, policies aiming to sustainably increase the capacity of domestic labour markets to provide employment for the national citizenry are currently developed in a context where the Gulf States have to navigate their repositioning in the global economic architecture by diversifying their economies and reorganizing their socio-political formations towards ‘late rentier’ governance structures. Against this background, this thesis explores how GCC governments are attempting to transform their rentier based political economies, by comparatively analysing recent labour market reforms in three Gulf states, namely Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Qatar. A mixed methodological approach has been adopted, whereby through conducting a policy analysis on key labour reforms, namely the Kafala sponsorship system and Nationalisation based policies, alongside elite semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders, this thesis has contributed to the identification of the emerging trends which characterise the post-rentier labour market governance structures in the GCC. Furthermore, due to the different development visions adopted by these three states, this thesis highlights the marked diversity within the regionally adopted policies of the Kafala system and Nationalisation based reforms and, thus, contributes to our understanding of the emerging variety of late rentier political economies in the region and their likely future developmental paths.
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Arab World Institute, Washington, D.C. : the Arabic modernism outside of the traditional Arabic cityMercho, Hassan Malak January 1991 (has links)
The actual need for such a building as the Arab World Institute is wellestablished because Arabs are searching for a solid relationship with Westerners. Growth is possible only through education. The Arab World Institute offers the opportunity for education, information, and entertainment, and serves as a hub of activity where all people-Arabs and otherwise-can meet and share cultural distinctions.The Arab World Institute will have at once:A cultural center for the need of the understanding of Arabic civilization,A museum to show the struggle for development in the Arabic world and to illustrate the cultural impact in a symbol of the city's past development,A library to express the architecture's poetic dimension.The Arab World Institute's buildings do not represent a single and imaginary moment in time, but a place of evolution and change. The Arab World Institute's mission will be:To develop a deeper knowledge and better understanding of Arabic culture, language, and civilization,To improve communication and cultural exchange between nations,To further The United States' relationship with the Arab world in order to contribute to developments in the rest of the world. / Department of Architecture
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Neo-patrimonialismo e fragilità del sistema inter-statale arabo. Struttura del potere e state-building in Egitto e in Siria (1970-2011) / NEO-PATRIMONIALISM AND THE WEAKNESS OF THE ARAB INTER-STATE SYSTEM Power structure and state-building in Egypt and Syria (1970-2011)CALCULLI, MARINA 16 April 2013 (has links)
Lo studio analizza la relazione tra la struttura del potere neo-patrimoniale (fondata sullo scambio tra distribuzione arbitraria di opportunità economiche e lealtà politica) e la debolezza del sistema inter-statale arabo. Combinando un approccio storico-istituzionalista e un approccio intermestic, lo studio considera il neo-patrimonialismo arabo prodotto della contraddizione irrisolta tra la cristallizzazione delle sovranità statali imposte dalle ex-potenze coloniali e il progetto politico mancato della ‘Grande Nazione Araba’. Questa dinamica ha prodotto l’illegittimità strutturale dell’ordine inter-statale arabo, che investe lo stato nella dimensione territoriale e nella dimensione del potere. A cavallo degli anni 70’, nei regimi arabi si osserva una transizione dall’autoritarismo populista ad un sistema neo-patrimoniale. Esaminando i casi-studio di Egitto e Siria, questa tesi si propone di analizzare il divario tra lo state-building ‘weberiano’(legale-razionale) e ‘neo-patrimoniale’: in quest’ultimo, la mancanza di istituzionalizzazione legale-razionale impedisce la formazione di un legame di cittadinanza e asseconda la persistenza di identificazioni sociali tradizionali. In riferimento all’Egitto e alla Siria ,l’analisi mira a mettere in evidenza la relazione tra l’indebolimento (o il crollo) del regime e il collasso istituzionale dello stato. Questo fenomeno in Siria, a differenza dell’Egitto, si accompagna ad una ibridazione della sovranità statale, in virtù della frammentazione politicizzata della società siriana. / This thesis investigates the relation between Arab neo-patrimonial power structures (based on the arbitrary distribution of economic opportunities in exchange of political loyalty) and the weakness of the Arab inter-state system. Combining a historic institutional and an intermestic approach, this study considers neo-patrimonialism as the outcome of the unsolved contradiction between the crystallization of western-imposed sovereignties and the missed political project of the ‘Greater Arab Nation’ (contesting colonial borders). This has, in turn, produced the structural illegitimacy of the inter-state order, affecting both the territorial and the authority dimensions of the state. In dealing with this ‘legitimacy problem’, post-1970 Arab regimes have tended to replace populist authoritarian (ideological-grounded) with neo-patrimonial (material-based) power strategies. Through the cases of Egypt and Syria, the study aims at analysing the gap between a ‘Weberian’ (legal-rational) and a ‘neo-patrimonial’ state-building: in the latter case, the missing legal-rational institutionalization hinders a social identification based on citizenship, seconding the persistence of traditional identities. By examining Egypt and Syria’s power structures, this study enlightens the relation between regime collapse and institutional collapse. Unlike Egypt, which enjoys a substantial societal homogeneity, in Syria we witness the hybridization of state’s sovereignty, stemming from the politicized fragmented character of Syria’s society.
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A diplomacia dos petrodólares : relações do Brasil com o mundo árabe (1973-1985) /Traumann, Andrew Patrick. January 2007 (has links)
Orientador: Clodoaldo Bueno / Banca: Estêvão Chaves de Rezende Martins / Banca: José Luis Bendicho Beired / Resumo: Este trabalho trata das relações entre o Brasil e o Mundo Árabe, especialmente depois da primeira crise do petróleo, em 1973. Diante da disparada do preço do petróleo, o Brasil passou a intensificar o seu intercambio diplomático e comercial com os países árabes no intuito de suavizar os efeitos da crise. De forma inédita e adotando uma política externa pragmática baseada no interesse comercial do país, o governo Geisel incrementou as relações do Brasil com o Oriente Médio e norte da África. Nesta busca por novos aliados, destacou-se o Iraque. A amizade Brasil-Iraque começou com a prospecção de petróleo e a descoberta pela Petrobrás do poço iraquiano de Majnoon, um dos maiores do mundo, e também pela construção de estradas e ferrovias. / Abstract: This work deals with the relations between Brazil and the Arab World, especially after the First Oil Crisis of 1973. To face the fast rise of the oil prices, Brazil started to intensify diplomatic and commercial affairs with the Arab countries in intention to reduce the effects of the crisis. Adopting a new and more pragmatic foreign politics, based in the commercial interest of the country, the Geisel government developed the relations of Brazil with the Middle East and North of Africa. In this search for new allies, Iraq was distinguished. The Brazil-Iraq friendship started with the prospection of oil and the discovery by Petrobras, of the Iraqi well of Majnoon, one of the greatest of the world, and also the building of roads and railroads in that country. / Mestre
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Les nouvelles formes de production du politique dans le monde arabe à l'exemple des festivals de musique au Maroc : culture et politique en contexte autoritaire / The new forms of politics production in the Arab World : the case of music festivals in Morocco : culture and politics in an authoritarian contextBoubia, Amina 27 May 2014 (has links)
Les festivals de musique s'étant constitués progressivement depuis le milieu des années 1990 en un véritable phénomène de société au Maroc, cette thèse analyse, dans une perspective comparatiste, en quoi ces événements artistico-culturels et festifs favorisent des formes nouvelles, non-conventionnelles, de production du politique dans le monde arabe entre contestation et relégitimation de l'ordre établi. D'une part, les festivals de musique, appréhendés par le biais d'une analyse culturelle de l'action collective et des mouvements sociaux, révèlent un espace politique alternatif au potentiel initial fortement subversif, à l’origine d’une Nayda post-islamiste. D'autre part, les différents processus de récupération et de cooptation, directes et indirectes, dans lesquels entrent peu à peu ces événements, illustrent les ressorts de la domination et d'une politique culturelle autoritaire exercées par le makhzen. Enfin, cette politisation multiple, que permet l'ambivalence de l'artistico-culturel et du politique, est exacerbée dans le contexte du Mouvement du 20 février et du Printemps arabe entre radicalisation et saturation de la dynamique festivalière. / Musical festivals in Morocco have progressively become a social phenomenon since the mid 1990's. This study takes a comparative perspective in order to analyse to what extent these artistic, cultural and festive events promote new and unconventional forms of politics production in the Arab world, which oscillate between a contestation and a relegitimation of the established order. On the one hand, music festivals, considered through the lense of a cultural analysis of collective action and social movements, constitute an alternative political space with an initially high subversive potential leading to a post-islamist Nayda. On the other hand, these events gradually enter diverse processes of direct and indirect distortion and co-optation, which illustrate the levers of the domination and the authoritarian cultural policy exercised by the makhzen. Finally, the multiple politicization allowed by the ambivalence of artistic, cultural and political expressions is exacerbated in the context of the Arab Spring and the 20 February Movement between a radicalisation and a saturation of the festival dynamics.
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