The focus of this dissertation is a distinctive post-fascist ideology that emerged during the Cold War era. Developed and first put to practice in Francisco Franco’s Spain during the 1950s and 1960s, this model for a market-oriented dictatorship, which I label Hispanic technocratic-authoritarianism, became a key ideological reference for the dictatorships of Juan Carlos Onganía in Argentina (1966-1970) and Augusto Pinochet in Chile (1973-1988). For its chief designers, this theory of state represented a noble dream of a “post-ideological” society marked by neoliberal economic development, firm social hierarchies, and most importantly, a project of spiritual “perfection.” Rather than a simple mimesis, this study points to a dynamic of constant transatlantic intellectual dialogue between what were, in essence, three attempts to foster an alternative “Hispanic” modernity, within three dissimilar historical settings. The venture to constitute a reactionary modernity, as a spiritual “third position” that would transcend the antagonistic “materialist” ideologies born at the time of the French Revolution, is as old as modernity itself. The present study explores a prominent case study of these ideological projects, in the Spanish speaking world. My point of departure is that there is a certain lacuna in the historical analysis on Latin America’s far-right ideology during the Cold War. Whereas historiography has fully scrutinized extreme neo-fascist revolutionary movements, military counterrevolutionary states, and populist authoritarianism in the region, there is a dearth of analytic work on the post-fascist technocratic ideologies of the 1960s. My analysis therefore underscores the role of the international Catholic Society Opus Dei as one conspicuous arena for the formulation of the technocratic-authoritarian ideology. Thus, my work accounts for the rise of the “technocrats” as a contingent historical phenomenon that mirrored the economic and cultural contexts of the Cold War era. Consciously setting out to replace what they thought was the failed fascist revolution of the 1930s, the ideologues I analyze formulated what they believed was a more sophisticated method of Catholic modernization - one comprising of a consumerist society protected from the harms of either parliamentarism or rationalism. Chapter 1 of the dissertation explores how, during the 1950s, Franco’s regime propagated a distinct post-fascist ideology of “Hispanism” via a transnational organization by the name of Instituto de Cultura Hispánica, and how this traditionalist ideology founds if most zealous interlocutors in Argentina and Chile. Chapter 2 hones in on Spain’s novel technocratic-authoritarian ideologies of the 1960s. Designed and implemented by members of the Secular Catholic Organization Opus Dei, this ideology soon became identified with Spain’s 1960s “economic miracle.” Chapter 3 explains how the Francoist ideologies made their way into the Argentine public sphere through two Argentine intellectual affiliations: the Ateneo de la República and the Cuadernos del Sur journal. These groups, I explain, began designing Argentina’s “post-ideological” society during the early 1960s. Chapter 4 explores how the regime of Juan Carlos Onganía (1966-1970) utilized the ideologies of the aforementioned affiliations, as well as several Francoist “development” tactics such as “poles of growth.” Chapter 5 depicts the impact of the Instituto de Cultura Hispánica and the Opus Dei on the Chilean far-right during the late-1960s leading to the regime of Augusto Pinochet. Like Onganía, Pinochet and his ideologues borrowed Francoist political myths for their purposes. Last, Chapter 6 analyzes the decline of the technocratic-authoritarian model. The circumstances of the late 1970s, I suggest, propelled the authoritarian ideologues to abandon the technocratic-authoritarian schemes and seek new forms of civic participation, thereby leading them to initiate unique “protected” democratic transitions.

The basic characteristics of eastern culture are harmony-emphasized and other-people-centered. In Chinese traditional society, the social contact within life circles is mainly in an operating mode orienting towards relationship and situations; in other words, people are self-centered, making a judgment based on their familiarity with associating subjects, and then orientate them in the society network to further decide a proper associating behavior. On the basis of the reason, we have to take account of this effect when thinking over the social behaviors of social conflicts. Supposed that people do judge their subjects based on familiarity and seniority, the properties of certain relationship will appear to be specially outstanding and important and further relate to the actual interaction when facing different situations and diverse interacting demands. This range of study is the conflicts on campus, and we seek to understand whether the characteristics of relationship orientation still dominate social conflicts of undergraduates of E-generation, and what kinds of connection are between the properties of relationship and the manners of conflict solution. Besides, HO, Yu-hui and his fellows (1991) put forth the viewpoint of ¡§Relationship Orientation, ¡¨ and he emphasized: The most powerful determinant does not lie in individuals themselves, but in the relative background outside the individuals. To some extent, HO¡¦s argument explains the particulars of general Chinese social behaviors, but does it remain applicable in conflict situations? Therefore, this research tries to bring into study the variables of personality characteristics, such as fear of communication, authoritarianism, collectivism, etc., which may relate to conflict handling, and to verify if these characteristics are able to forecast the social behaviors in conflict situations. The survey is proceeded with questionnaires. The total questionnaires sent out are 720 copies, and effective questionnaires are 477 copies.¡]Sent out 180 copies respectively to College of Administration, and College of Science & Engineering, Sun Yat-Sen University, Science College in Kaohsiung Teacher¡¦s University, and Medical College, Kaohsiung Medical University.¡^ After reliability analysis, descriptive statistics, uni-factor variance analysis, sample test for independence, and cross hatched map are completed, the important discoveries are as follows¡G 1. Four kinds of relationship¡Xcontemporary familiarity, contemporary unfamiliarity, senior familiarity, and senior unfamiliarity¡Xare defined according to familiarity and seniority. And there are strikingly differences in their corresponding manners of conflict solution. 2. The four kinds of conflict handling have their characteristics respectively: 1) In the relationship of contemporary familiarity, highly cooperative modes are adopted to handle both conceptual and actual conflicts. 2) The relationship of contemporary unfamiliarity still gives the first place to cooperation and compromise; however, its cooperative percentage is much lower than contemporary familiarity, and its compromising manners are higher than contemporary familiarity. 3) In the relationship of senior familiarity, higher percentage of people are willing to make a concession to their seniors in the respects of conceptual conflicts, besides adopting the cooperative manner, and higher percentage of people are willing to compromise with their seniors in the respects of actual conflicts of interests, besides cooperation. 4) People have higher volition to handle their conflicts in a cooperative manner with unfamiliar seniors than with familiar seniors, and the cooperative percentage in conceptual conflicts is especially higher than that in actual conflicts. 3. The corresponding conflict handling manners of the four kinds of relationship are remarkably different, and this is sufficient to verify the judgment of relationship in conflict situations, and that people¡¦s thinking is not only a macroscopic classification of relationship, but also comprehensive consideration of established relationship both parties have accumulated. 4. In the past, Chinese society tended to reconcile conflicts with integration orientation and always confined to ¡§Group-I groups.¡¨ But this research indicates that the four kinds of relationship, to some extent, have a percentage of people (30% at lowest) inclined to handle conflicts in a cooperative manner. And this tells us that today undergraduates seem more willing to solve conflicts with other people in a cooperative way, which gives consideration to mutual relationship and saves their own rights and interests form damage. 5. HSU, Lang-kuang (1971) thought that Chinese relationship put more emphasis on obligatory emotions of human relations than on familiar and spontaneous emotions. This contention cannot be tested and verified in the conflict situations of this research. 6. When conflicts come up, the percentage of escaping from conflicts is higher in people who are not mutually familiar than in those who are familiar with each other. This research result fairly agrees with the viewpoint of CHOU TING, Pu-sheng (1984). 7. In conflict situations, students are still willing to handle it in a cooperative way, or to escape to avoid frontal conflict, even though they are not unfamiliar, instead of resisting to strive for personal interests. It seems that HUANG, Kuang-kuo¡¦s theoretical mode of human sympathy and face has its limit in conflict situations. 8. This research discovers, by descriptive statistic analysis and examination of cross cards, that fear of communication, collectivism or authoritarianism do not have effect of adjustment in human relationship and the way of conflict handling. This result of research seems to support the contention of HO, Yu-hui, etc. (1991) that the effect of background of mutual relationship is greater than the response of personal character in the social behavior of facing conflict handling. 9. Comparison of the ways of conflict handling among different schools, colleges and departments (1) Fear of communication and authoritarianism of students in the College of Administration, National Sun Yat-Sen University are obviously lower than the College of Science & Engineering of the same university, and more cooperative in the conflict of four relationships than the College of Science & Engineering. However, the College of Science & Engineering shows higher responses of forbearance, conciliation and resistance. (2) Students in the College of Science & Engineering, National Sun Yat-Sen University and the College of Science, Kaohsiung Teacher¡¦s University not only have no differences in the characteristics of fear of communication, collectivism and authoritarianism, but also have no obvious differences in the way to face conflict. (3) Students in the College of Science & Engineering, National Sun Yat-Sen University and the Medical College, Kaohsiung Medical University also have no obvious differences in the characteristics of fear of communication, collectivism and authoritarianism. However, the tendency of cooperation of students in the Medical College, Kaohsiung Medical University in the way of conflict handling is obviously higher than the College of Science & Engineering, National Sun Yat-Sen University. (4) Students in the College of Science, Kaohsiung Teacher¡¦s University and the Medical College, Kaohsiung Medical University also have no obvious differences in the characteristics of fear of communication, collectivism and authoritarianism. However, the tendency of cooperation of students in the Medical College, Kaohsiung Medical University in the way of conflict handling is obviously higher than College of Science, Kaohsiung Teacher¡¦s University as well. 10. Comparison between personal attributes and the ways of conflict handling (1) In the gender, the authoritarianism of males is obviously higher than that of females. In the ways of conflict handling, the cooperation of females in actual conflicts with familiar contemporaries is obviously higher than that of males, and males have generally higher responses of forbearance, escape and resistance toward their familiar contemporaries. (2) Students of high and low grades have no obvious difference in the characteristics of fear of communication, collectivism and authoritarianism and also have no systematic difference in the ways of conflict handling.

An oft-stated view held by scholars and political observers is that given the unique characteristics of the Internet, the technology offers real opportunities for democratization and political transformation, especially in societies where the basic rights of freedom of expression and the press are constricted by state control. This thesis seeks to challenge this main assumption by examining the impact of the Internet along with the politics surrounding its use in Asia, with specific attention to the cases of China, Singapore and Iran. This thesis postulates that in the cases of certain authoritarian regimes such as China and Singapore, not only has the presence and use of the Internet failed to spawn strong opposition movements, but authorities in these states have cleverly entered the domain of online expression and have utilized the technology to improve governance and control of these societies. The conditions which make it possible for certain states to suppress online activism, and which in turn contributes to the strengthening of authorial control are then clearly identified and delineated. They include, namely: a strong regulatory regime; an effective use of e-governance and the pacification of Internet entrepreneurs. Iran serves as a contrast case to China and Singapore as civil society actors in the Islamic country have demonstrated a clear interest in participating in a struggle against the state by entering and articulating their positions in the virtual space of cyber interaction. The notable absence of stated conditions in Iran, however, clearly shows that a confluence of circumstances is still necessary for regimes to more fully manipulate online spaces. It is not the intention of the thesis to project the notion that China’s infamous “Firewall” is one-hundred percent full-proof or that citizens in these countries are deprived of all access to controversial news and media. The main conclusion that is drawn is that despite the government’s open promotion and dissemination of Internet technology, certain states have managed to strike a precarious balance by also maintaining control of the public agora.

As an attempt to investigate attitudes and beliefs held presently by American youths, the following exploratory study of patriotism presents a variant of the original Berkeley group's analysis presented in their classic book The Authoritarian Personality (1950). By reconstructing the Berkeley group's theoretical model, their concept of "pseudopatriotism" was examined as an agent of false consciousness. Within the framework of critical theory, it was discovered that this type of patriotism relates positively to individuals' lack of perception of their alienated state in society. As hypothesized in the original study by the Berkeley group, authoritarianism was found to have a significant positive relationship to patriotism. In contrast, the concept of feminism was discovered to relate negatively to patriotism, indirectly, through its direct relationship with the variable of alienation. The findings of this investigation were obtained by surveying undergraduate students (N=405) at Ball State University. / Department of Sociology

An oft-stated view held by scholars and political observers is that given the unique characteristics of the Internet, the technology offers real opportunities for democratization and political transformation, especially in societies where the basic rights of freedom of expression and the press are constricted by state control. This thesis seeks to challenge this main assumption by examining the impact of the Internet along with the politics surrounding its use in Asia, with specific attention to the cases of China, Singapore and Iran. This thesis postulates that in the cases of certain authoritarian regimes such as China and Singapore, not only has the presence and use of the Internet failed to spawn strong opposition movements, but authorities in these states have cleverly entered the domain of online expression and have utilized the technology to improve governance and control of these societies. The conditions which make it possible for certain states to suppress online activism, and which in turn contributes to the strengthening of authorial control are then clearly identified and delineated. They include, namely: a strong regulatory regime; an effective use of e-governance and the pacification of Internet entrepreneurs. Iran serves as a contrast case to China and Singapore as civil society actors in the Islamic country have demonstrated a clear interest in participating in a struggle against the state by entering and articulating their positions in the virtual space of cyber interaction. The notable absence of stated conditions in Iran, however, clearly shows that a confluence of circumstances is still necessary for regimes to more fully manipulate online spaces. It is not the intention of the thesis to project the notion that China’s infamous “Firewall” is one-hundred percent full-proof or that citizens in these countries are deprived of all access to controversial news and media. The main conclusion that is drawn is that despite the government’s open promotion and dissemination of Internet technology, certain states have managed to strike a precarious balance by also maintaining control of the public agora.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2005. Graduate Programme in Political Science. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 601-633). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR19836

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Political Science, June 1999. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2008. / Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 311-351).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Minnesota, 1987. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 249-259).

Inaugural-Dissertation--Eberhard-Karls-Universität zu Tübingen, 1935. / Includes bibliographical references (p. iv-v).