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Ph.D.--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, 2012 / The Kenyan political landscape has, since the 1990’s, been tumultuous and characterised by multiple political and social struggles centred on embedding a new constitutional order. This thesis is a qualitative case study of the Ufungamano Initiative, a powerful movement involved in these struggles between 1999 and 2005. Emerging in an environment of deep societal divisions and multiple sites of struggle, the Ufungamano Initiative is a remarkable story of how and why previously disjointed and disparate individuals and groups came together in a ‘movement of movements’ to become a critical contender in Kenyan constitutional reforms. The movement utilised direct citizens’ actions and was directly in competition with the Moi/KANU state for control of the Constitution Reform Process. This direct competition and challenge, posed a legitimacy crisis on the state led process forcing an autocratic and intolerant regime to capitulate and open up space for democratic engagement of citizens in the Constitution Reform Process. But the Ufungamano Initiative is also a story of the limits of social movements. While holding so much power and promise, movements are limited in their ability to effect fundamental changes in society. Even after substantial gains in challenging the state, the Ufungamano Initiative was vulnerable and agreed to enter a ‘coerced’ merger with the state-led process in 2001. The merger dissipated the Ufungamano Initiative’s energy. This study therefore speaks to the power and limits of social movements in effecting fundamental changes in society. Applying a socio-historical approach, the study locates the Ufungamano Initiative within the broader social, economic and political struggles to argue that contemporary constitutional reform struggles in Kenya were, in Polanyi’s (1944) terms, double movement type of societal counter-movements to protect itself from an avaricious economic and political elites. Engaging the political process model, this thesis analyses seventy in-depth interviews and secondary data to explain the dynamics in the rise, operations, achievements and decline of the Ufungamano Initiative as illustrative of how movements emerge, take on a life of their own and sometimes metamorphose into phenomenal forces of change, or just fizzle out.

Hegel is the first one who makes the word ¡§state¡¨ be the specific concept and theory. The study will discuss the basic concepts, essences, and functions in the state theory by Hegel¡¦s important writing ¡§The Philosophy of Right¡¨ based on his key point ¡§spirit. Meanwhile, the study will compare the different thoughts in ¡§state¡¨ and ¡§civil society¡¨ between Hegel and Karl Max. Furthermore, the study will take Taiwan as the example with the concept of the state theory of Hegel to figure out whether or not Taiwan has become a ¡§state¡¨ with processing the constitutional reform for many years, and how will Taiwan as a ¡§civil society¡¨keep going for a ¡§normalized state¡¨ in the future.

No Estado federal, o poder decorrente da soberania, na promulgação da Constituição, distribui competências entre os entes da federação, os quais passam a deter autonomia legislativa para as matérias de sua competência, exercidas pelos seus governos próprios. Essa autonomia tem como pressuposto a existência de fontes de recursos independentes, bem como a possibilidade de escolher livremente a aplicação de seus gastos, prerrogativas que integram o conceito de autonomia financeira. A interpretação das limitações impostas ao poder reformador pelo artigo 60, § 4o, inciso I, da Constituição de 1988 divide a doutrina jurídica ao proceder à análise da alteração de competências tributárias legislativas dos Estados-membros, especialmente no tocante à constitucionalidade da modificação que limitaria a autonomia financeira desses entes e, em razão disso, tenderiam a abolir a forma federativa de Estado. Sob os pressupostos da teoria do positivismo jurídico metódico-axiológico, selecionada como guia para o presente trabalho, foi construída a fundamentação jurídica do princípio federativo na Constituição brasileira, para, então, desenvolver a análise de cinco hipóteses de alteração de competências tributárias dos Estados. As conclusões obtidas foram que (i) a exclusão integral das competências tributárias legislativas dos Estados constituiria uma violação da autonomia financeira destes, sendo vedada sua validade no ordenamento atual; (ii) a exclusão da competência legislativa para apenas um dos impostos seria vedada, salvo situações excepcionais concernentes a competências funcionalmente secundárias; (iii) a constitucionalidade da redução do critério material de incidência de um imposto de competência legislativa dos Estados deve ser verificada de acordo com a eficácia da supressão em face dos objetivos firmados, bem como diante da disponibilidade de meios alternativos de obter tais desígnios; (iv) a exclusão ou mitigação da competência tributária legislativa para fixar alíquotas dos tributos privativos é vedada, sendo permitida a existência de patamares mínimos e máximos para essas alíquotas; (v) a exclusão da competência legislativa para conceder benefícios fiscais é vedada, sendo permitido que essa matéria seja objeto de restrições relativas à necessidade de deliberação coletiva pelos Estados. / In the Federation, the power from the sovereignty, in the enactment of the Federal Constitution, allocates the levels of authorities amongst the federative members, which have legislative independence to the matters under their responsibility, exercised by their own government. Such independence is based on the assumption that independent resources are available, as well as that the costs can be freely incurred, comprising the definition of financial autonomy. The interpretation of the limitations established in article 60, paragraph 4, I, of the Federal Constitution of 1988, divides the legal science with respect to the legislative tax powers of the Member States, specifically with respect to the constitutionality of amendments that would limit their financial independence and, accordingly, would discontinue the federative view. Based on the methodic and axiological legal positivism, on which this work is developed, the legal justification of the federative principle of the Brazilian Constitution was proposed with a view to develop the analysis on the five alternatives related to the tax responsibilities of the States. The conclusions reached were that (i) the full exclusion of the legislative tax powers of the States would represent a violation against their financial autonomy, not allowed under current constitution; (ii) the exclusion of the legislative powers with respect to one of the taxes would not be permitted, except for extraordinary events of secondary relevance; (iii) the constitutionality of the reduction of the tax bases under the legislative powers of the States must be verified in accordance with the respective effectiveness of such tax based on the purposes agreed, as well as according to the availability of alternative means for such; (iv) the exclusion or mitigation of the tax powers to define the rates of the exclusive taxes is not permitted, but the minimum and maximum levels thereof are allowed; (v) the exclusion of the legislative powers to grant the tax benefits is not permitted; and such matter could be subject to the restrictions related to the need of collective approval by the States.

A presente tese tem como objetivo analisar a ascensão de políticos mineiros e paulistas no âmbito da construção do Estado nacional brasileiro entre 1823 e 1834, atentando para dois movimentos simultâneos e interligados. O primeiro diz respeito à criação de esferas de poder em nível provincial em São Paulo e Minas Gerais, em que será privilegiada a atuação dos conselhos provinciais o Conselho da Presidência e o Conselho Geral , sua relação com o Legislativo e Executivo, e seu engajamento na viabilização de um Império sediado Rio de Janeiro. Trata-se de examinar de que maneira a composição dos poderes provinciais inscreveu-se no processo de afirmação de uma monarquia constitucional representativa em meio a outras propostas vigentes de organização do Estado à época. O segundo movimento refere-se à projeção de paulistas e mineiros no cenário político da Corte, seja no Legislativo, a partir de 1826, seja no Executivo, mormente após a Abdicação. Pretende-se, assim, discutir possíveis matizes do chamado projeto liberal moderado, o qual obteve grande respaldo em São Paulo, Minas Gerais e na Corte no período estudado, partindo-se da hipótese de que a atuação de políticos paulistas e mineiros, notadamente no encaminhamento da reforma constitucional que se consubstanciou no Ato Adicional, em 1834, foi permeada por interesses de grupos locais e influenciada pelo debate político ocorrido em nível provincial / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the rise of Minas Gerais and São Paulo politicians in the development of the Brazilian State between 1823 and 1834, considering two simultaneous and interrelated motions. The first concerns the field of power creation at the provincial level in São Paulo and Minas Gerais, in which will be prioritize the performance of provincial councils - the Conselho da Presidência and the Conselho Geral -, their relation to the legislative and executive branches, and their alliance in achieving a Empire entrenched at Rio de Janeiro. The goal is to examine how the organization of provincial powers managed to build the acceptance of constitutional monarchy amid other current proposals for the State organization at the time. The second movement refers to the projection of São Paulo and Minas Gerais in the political background of the Court, both in legislature issues, from 1826, and executives, especially after the Abdicação in 1831. It is intended, therefore, to discuss some peculiarities about the so-called \"Liberal Moderado, which got great sheltering in São Paulo, Minas Gerais and in the Court during the studied period, starting from the hypothesis that the role of São Paulo and Minas Gerais politicians, mainly during the constitutional reform which led to the Additional Act, in 1834, was permeated by concerns of local groups and influenced by political debate occurred at the provincial level

A presente tese tem como objetivo analisar a ascensão de políticos mineiros e paulistas no âmbito da construção do Estado nacional brasileiro entre 1823 e 1834, atentando para dois movimentos simultâneos e interligados. O primeiro diz respeito à criação de esferas de poder em nível provincial em São Paulo e Minas Gerais, em que será privilegiada a atuação dos conselhos provinciais o Conselho da Presidência e o Conselho Geral , sua relação com o Legislativo e Executivo, e seu engajamento na viabilização de um Império sediado Rio de Janeiro. Trata-se de examinar de que maneira a composição dos poderes provinciais inscreveu-se no processo de afirmação de uma monarquia constitucional representativa em meio a outras propostas vigentes de organização do Estado à época. O segundo movimento refere-se à projeção de paulistas e mineiros no cenário político da Corte, seja no Legislativo, a partir de 1826, seja no Executivo, mormente após a Abdicação. Pretende-se, assim, discutir possíveis matizes do chamado projeto liberal moderado, o qual obteve grande respaldo em São Paulo, Minas Gerais e na Corte no período estudado, partindo-se da hipótese de que a atuação de políticos paulistas e mineiros, notadamente no encaminhamento da reforma constitucional que se consubstanciou no Ato Adicional, em 1834, foi permeada por interesses de grupos locais e influenciada pelo debate político ocorrido em nível provincial / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the rise of Minas Gerais and São Paulo politicians in the development of the Brazilian State between 1823 and 1834, considering two simultaneous and interrelated motions. The first concerns the field of power creation at the provincial level in São Paulo and Minas Gerais, in which will be prioritize the performance of provincial councils - the Conselho da Presidência and the Conselho Geral -, their relation to the legislative and executive branches, and their alliance in achieving a Empire entrenched at Rio de Janeiro. The goal is to examine how the organization of provincial powers managed to build the acceptance of constitutional monarchy amid other current proposals for the State organization at the time. The second movement refers to the projection of São Paulo and Minas Gerais in the political background of the Court, both in legislature issues, from 1826, and executives, especially after the Abdicação in 1831. It is intended, therefore, to discuss some peculiarities about the so-called \"Liberal Moderado, which got great sheltering in São Paulo, Minas Gerais and in the Court during the studied period, starting from the hypothesis that the role of São Paulo and Minas Gerais politicians, mainly during the constitutional reform which led to the Additional Act, in 1834, was permeated by concerns of local groups and influenced by political debate occurred at the provincial level

This paper examines the changing nature of provincial constitutions in Canada. Provinces are granted the right to have their own constitutions by Sections 58-90 of the Constitution Act, 1867, and various sections of the Constitution Act, 1982. The substance of provincial constitutions includes various Acts of provincial parliaments, long-standing constitutional conventions, unwritten rules and principles and common law. With respect to the practice of responsible government, the provinces have long relied on the traditionally “flexible” nature of their largely unwritten constitutions. Using the case studies of statutes dealing with the executive and legislative branches of government in the provinces of British Columbia, Quebec, and Newfoundland and Labrador, this paper analyzes recent changes in the statutes (and therefore constitutions) of the provinces. The analysis shows that there have been many changes in provincial constitutions on the subject of responsible government. The constitutions increasingly recognize the role of the Premier and cabinets, to the detriment of the traditional roles of Lieutenant Governors and the legislatures. This is in line with general trends in Canada’s provinces toward increased executive dominance. The practice of codifying changes in provincial constitutions is also more in line with how constitutional change happens in the states of comparable federations such as Australia and the United States.

This paper examines the changing nature of provincial constitutions in Canada. Provinces are granted the right to have their own constitutions by Sections 58-90 of the Constitution Act, 1867, and various sections of the Constitution Act, 1982. The substance of provincial constitutions includes various Acts of provincial parliaments, long-standing constitutional conventions, unwritten rules and principles and common law. With respect to the practice of responsible government, the provinces have long relied on the traditionally “flexible” nature of their largely unwritten constitutions. Using the case studies of statutes dealing with the executive and legislative branches of government in the provinces of British Columbia, Quebec, and Newfoundland and Labrador, this paper analyzes recent changes in the statutes (and therefore constitutions) of the provinces. The analysis shows that there have been many changes in provincial constitutions on the subject of responsible government. The constitutions increasingly recognize the role of the Premier and cabinets, to the detriment of the traditional roles of Lieutenant Governors and the legislatures. This is in line with general trends in Canada’s provinces toward increased executive dominance. The practice of codifying changes in provincial constitutions is also more in line with how constitutional change happens in the states of comparable federations such as Australia and the United States.

No Estado federal, o poder decorrente da soberania, na promulgação da Constituição, distribui competências entre os entes da federação, os quais passam a deter autonomia legislativa para as matérias de sua competência, exercidas pelos seus governos próprios. Essa autonomia tem como pressuposto a existência de fontes de recursos independentes, bem como a possibilidade de escolher livremente a aplicação de seus gastos, prerrogativas que integram o conceito de autonomia financeira. A interpretação das limitações impostas ao poder reformador pelo artigo 60, § 4o, inciso I, da Constituição de 1988 divide a doutrina jurídica ao proceder à análise da alteração de competências tributárias legislativas dos Estados-membros, especialmente no tocante à constitucionalidade da modificação que limitaria a autonomia financeira desses entes e, em razão disso, tenderiam a abolir a forma federativa de Estado. Sob os pressupostos da teoria do positivismo jurídico metódico-axiológico, selecionada como guia para o presente trabalho, foi construída a fundamentação jurídica do princípio federativo na Constituição brasileira, para, então, desenvolver a análise de cinco hipóteses de alteração de competências tributárias dos Estados. As conclusões obtidas foram que (i) a exclusão integral das competências tributárias legislativas dos Estados constituiria uma violação da autonomia financeira destes, sendo vedada sua validade no ordenamento atual; (ii) a exclusão da competência legislativa para apenas um dos impostos seria vedada, salvo situações excepcionais concernentes a competências funcionalmente secundárias; (iii) a constitucionalidade da redução do critério material de incidência de um imposto de competência legislativa dos Estados deve ser verificada de acordo com a eficácia da supressão em face dos objetivos firmados, bem como diante da disponibilidade de meios alternativos de obter tais desígnios; (iv) a exclusão ou mitigação da competência tributária legislativa para fixar alíquotas dos tributos privativos é vedada, sendo permitida a existência de patamares mínimos e máximos para essas alíquotas; (v) a exclusão da competência legislativa para conceder benefícios fiscais é vedada, sendo permitido que essa matéria seja objeto de restrições relativas à necessidade de deliberação coletiva pelos Estados. / In the Federation, the power from the sovereignty, in the enactment of the Federal Constitution, allocates the levels of authorities amongst the federative members, which have legislative independence to the matters under their responsibility, exercised by their own government. Such independence is based on the assumption that independent resources are available, as well as that the costs can be freely incurred, comprising the definition of financial autonomy. The interpretation of the limitations established in article 60, paragraph 4, I, of the Federal Constitution of 1988, divides the legal science with respect to the legislative tax powers of the Member States, specifically with respect to the constitutionality of amendments that would limit their financial independence and, accordingly, would discontinue the federative view. Based on the methodic and axiological legal positivism, on which this work is developed, the legal justification of the federative principle of the Brazilian Constitution was proposed with a view to develop the analysis on the five alternatives related to the tax responsibilities of the States. The conclusions reached were that (i) the full exclusion of the legislative tax powers of the States would represent a violation against their financial autonomy, not allowed under current constitution; (ii) the exclusion of the legislative powers with respect to one of the taxes would not be permitted, except for extraordinary events of secondary relevance; (iii) the constitutionality of the reduction of the tax bases under the legislative powers of the States must be verified in accordance with the respective effectiveness of such tax based on the purposes agreed, as well as according to the availability of alternative means for such; (iv) the exclusion or mitigation of the tax powers to define the rates of the exclusive taxes is not permitted, but the minimum and maximum levels thereof are allowed; (v) the exclusion of the legislative powers to grant the tax benefits is not permitted; and such matter could be subject to the restrictions related to the need of collective approval by the States.

This paper examines the changing nature of provincial constitutions in Canada. Provinces are granted the right to have their own constitutions by Sections 58-90 of the Constitution Act, 1867, and various sections of the Constitution Act, 1982. The substance of provincial constitutions includes various Acts of provincial parliaments, long-standing constitutional conventions, unwritten rules and principles and common law. With respect to the practice of responsible government, the provinces have long relied on the traditionally “flexible” nature of their largely unwritten constitutions. Using the case studies of statutes dealing with the executive and legislative branches of government in the provinces of British Columbia, Quebec, and Newfoundland and Labrador, this paper analyzes recent changes in the statutes (and therefore constitutions) of the provinces. The analysis shows that there have been many changes in provincial constitutions on the subject of responsible government. The constitutions increasingly recognize the role of the Premier and cabinets, to the detriment of the traditional roles of Lieutenant Governors and the legislatures. This is in line with general trends in Canada’s provinces toward increased executive dominance. The practice of codifying changes in provincial constitutions is also more in line with how constitutional change happens in the states of comparable federations such as Australia and the United States. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate