Cette thèse s'intéresse aux stratégies et techniques produites par notre société, une société du risque à l'ère néo-libérale, afin d'actualiser le gouvernement d'individus. À cet effet, nous nous sommes attardés à un terrain d'étude particulier, soit le documentaire télévise, en tant que forme de média, sur le phénomène des gangs de rue. Nous avons analysé ce matériau afin de comprendre comment, au travers du discours qui le produit et qu'il produit en retour, il participe au gouvernement de soi et plus précisement, à la subjectivation des individus, voire de l'audience. Cette démarche s'est actualisée par l'identification des énoncés du discours dans lequel s'actualisent les documentaires, énoncés qui régissent les modalités relatives aux individus voulant devenir sujets de celui-ci. Ainsi, nous avons pu repérer les caractéristiques propres aux sujets produits par les documentaires télévisés en matière du phénomène des gangs de rue à la lumière du contexte d'une nouvelle rationalité politique dans laquelle ils émergent.

While the problem of sex offending has become widely researched, little is still known about how individual cases and alleged offenders warrant intervention. For years, research on sex offenders has focused on the male perpetrator and ignored the female perpetrator. There has been some supposition as to why women have been ignored as a topic of inquiry, including traditional gender stereotypes, scepticism on the part of professionals, and biases about its occurrence. In this study, how sex offenders come to be recognized by decision-makers is the focus of inquiry, based on the alleged offender's gender, the gender of the perceived victim, as well as the gender of the decision-maker. Secondarily, this study examined the role that personality plays in the decision-making process regarding men and women alleged of sexual abuse. Using the liberal feminist position to examine gender roles and sexual scripts, as well as West and Zimmerman's (1987) concept of 'doing gender' and a new concept, 'reading gender', in conjunction with personality theory, this study explored how decision-making is conditioned by gendered schema and levels of authoritarianism, "belief in a just world" and sex roles. Using a mixed methods approach, participants completed a questionnaire, and three personality scales. It was found that decision-making is conditioned not only by the gender of the respondent, but also by the offender, in such a way that men and women regarded the same situations of sexual abuse in different ways. The gender difference that became apparent was also conditioned by levels of authoritarianism and "belief in a just world".

Wrongful convictions remain an understudied problem in Canada. With the advent of recent technological advances in the form of forensic DNA analysis, newsprint media agencies have served as a medium for questioning the fallibility of the criminal justice system while raising public awareness of erroneous convictions. The social constructionist theoretical perspective provides the foundational underpinnings of a qualitative content analysis surrounding the print-news coverage of three Canadian wrongful conviction cases: David Milgaard, Guy Paul Morin and Gregory Parsons. Findings indicate disparity in the amount, extent, nature and content of coverage amongst wrongful conviction cases and between national and local coverage. The data suggests that for an individual to conclusively establish factual innocence, DNA technology must not only exonerate the wrongfully convicted individual but must also implicate the 'real' perpetrator. These results suggest the newsprint media is perpetuating a 'hierarchy of wrongful convictions' based on an individual's ability to conclusively establish their factual innocence through the utilization of forensic DNA analysis.

There is a growing international interest in the use of crime prevention responsibility centres (Re) as mechanisms for organizing crime prevention initiatives. One model of RC-based crime prevention is that used in England and Wales, where the creation of CDRPs (municipal RCs) was mandated by the Crime and Disorder Act of 1998. Themes gleaned from analyses of this experience form the basis for this thesis. In 2005, Crime Prevention Ottawa (CPO) was created to be an RC in Ottawa. This thesis examines whether and how CPO faced challenges similar to those in England and Wales. It concludes that many challenges met by the English experience are not present in the CPO case, in response to the challenges that are experienced, it recommends that CPO: define 'community', and its political 'role'; sustain project funding; increase project proposal expectations; and discuss what the organization 'does' versus 'should do'.

L'objectif de cette recherche est de comprendre pourquoi les parlementaires canadiens ont cru nécessaire de modifier la législation pénale par les projets de loi C-95, Loi modifiant le Code criminel (gangs) et d'autres lois en conséquence adopté en 1997 et G-24, Loi modifiant le Code criminel (crime organisé et application de la loi) et d'autres lois en conséquence adopté en 2001, qui ciblent spécifiquement Ie crime organisé. À cet objectif s'ajoute celui de savoir pourquoi ces projets de loi foumissent des outils pour lutter contre le crime organisé qui diffèrent des outils pour lutter contre lea autres types de crimes. Pour répondre à ces questions, nous nous sommes attardés aux représentations sociales du crime organisé des parlementaires, c'est-à-dire à la façon dont ils conçoivent ee phénomène. L'analyse de notre corpus, les débats parlementaires entourant les deux projets de loi ainsi que le Rapport de l'étude sur la criminalité érigée en entreprise de 1983, nous a permis de relever plusieurs transformations de leurs représentations sociales du crime organisé entre 1983 et 1997 ainsi qu'entre 1997 et 2001, c'est-à-dire avant l'adoption de chaque projet de loi. Ces transformations consistent, entre autres, en une différenciation entre le crime organisé et les autres formes de crimes, en l'apparition de nouveaux éléments représentationnels susceptibles de produire une peur abstraite et spontanée ainai qu'en l'émergence du crime organisé comme ennemi de la société.

L'intérêt ultime de cette thèse est d'étudier le pouvoir de l'ADN à partir d'une approche foucaldienne. Pour ce faire, nous avons analysé une formation discursive du discours sur l'ADN soit le débat politique lié à l'instauration de la Banque nationale de données génétiques au Canada. Concrètement, la question qui guide notre recherche est: comment le discours lié à l'instauration de la Banque nationale de données génétiques produit-il le pouvoir de l'ADN? Une analyse discursive foucaldienne des mémoires déposés au comité parlementaire étudiant le projet de loi C-3 nous a permis d'identifier certaines règles concernant les façons dont nous pouvons parler et penser l'ADN. En plus, nous avons identifié certains sujets/acteurs et pratiques institutionnelles qui sont désormais liés à l'ADN, et les façons dont le savoir de l'ADN acquiert de l'autorité. Nous avons pu avec ces résultats exposer trois effets de pouvoir qui émergent de la formation discursive analysée: la juridiciarisation de la génétique, la réduction génétique du criminel et la scientifisation de l'enquête. Cette recherche contribue à combler un manque de connaissances théoriques et empiriques sur la question de l'ADN.

La présente thèse se penche sur les discours des acteurs ayant participé aux débats sur le projet de loi C-32 -- Loi modifiant le Code criminel (conduite avec facultés affaiblies) et d'autres lois en conséquence subséquemment inclus dans le projet de loi C-2 -- Loi modifiant le Code criminel et d'autres lois en conséquence (Loi sur la lutte contre les crimes violents) afin d'étudier leur perception de la fonction de la peine en matière de conduite avec facultés affaiblies (CFA). En analysant les procès verbaux de la Chambre des communes et du Sénat, les témoignages devant les divers comités parlementaires et les rapports de ces mêmes comités dans le cadre des projets de loi C-32 et C-2, nous cherchions à identifier le lien qui existe entre la façon de problématiser la conduite avec facultés affaiblies et les solutions prônées en la matière pour découvrir dans quelle mesure les discours dominants en matière de conduite avec facultés affaiblies s'inscrivent dans la rationalité pénale moderne. L'analyse de notre corpus documentaire nous a non seulement permis de faire ressortir un lien étroit entre la façon dont les parlementaires problématisent la conduite avec facultés affaiblies et les solutions qu'ils prônent en la matière, mais également que la recherche même d'une solution à un problème peut disparaître au profit de la rentabilité politique de l'usage du pénal sur certaines clientèles. À cet égard, les débats analysés s'inscrivent bel et bien au coeur de la rationalité pénale moderne et constituent un exemple pertinent de ce système de pensée qui nous aveugle aux solutions alternatives en matière de criminalité.

<p> The nonuse of community correction in the Nigeria criminal justice system has led to increased recidivism, contributed to prison congestion, introduced the risk of prison victimization, and lacked the provision of a rehabilitative structure for nonviolent offenders. The purpose of this phenomenological research study was to explore Nigerian judges&rsquo; use of alternatives to incarcerations for nonviolent offenders. Dolinko retributive punishment theory provided the theoretical framework for this study. Ten participant judges comprised the study sample from a purposeful and criterion random sampling method. Data were collected from participants through structured interviews and were coded manually, sorted, and analyzed using the Saldana data coding process framework. According to study findings, judges were inclined to use alternatives to incarceration for nonviolent offenders. Also, community correction could reduce overcrowding in prisons and provide the opportunity for self-improvement for nonviolent offenders supervised in the community. The implications for positive social change include a better understanding and implementation of community corrections for Nigeria judiciary and policymakers and the use of alternatives to incarceration for nonviolent offenders, which would improve rehabilitation, reformation, and reintegration of offenders into society. </p><p>

<p> In criminological research, scholars present learning and social control theories as competing explanations for criminal behavior. While this has extended to specific offenses and analogous behaviors, it has less frequently been related to ideologically-motivated extremist behavior. This study considers the explanatory power of these two schools of criminological thought as they predict individual participation in violent ideologically motivated extremist behaviors using a recently collected individual-level dataset. A combination of Multivariate Imputation through Chained Equations (MICE), Exploratory Factor Analysis, and logistic regression is used to examine the relationship between theoretical measures and the probability of violent extremist behavior. Ultimately, this thesis finds: (1) having stronger social bonds is associated with a lower probability of violent ideologically motivated behavior, (2) the social learning of violence is associated with a higher probability of violent ideologically motivated behavior, and (3) these relationships depend somewhat upon the ideological milieu of the individual.</p><p>

<p> Whether incarceration confers excessive risk for accelerated aging or premature mortality remains an open question. Earlier studies suggested excess risk for aging and premature mortality but the data were either anecdotal or using population comparisons. One of the major risk factors for persons incarcerated is a history of substance abuse which alone is associated with adverse outcomes. Thus, we chose to examine the question of incarceration and adverse outcomes among a sample restricted to drug users, to determine if there was an independent risk related to incarceration. In terms of drug use, it is well documented that the risk of mortality is highest within the first couple of weeks after release. We framed the question, does a history of incarceration have a latency for a long term effect on accelerated aging and premature mortality after accounting for drug use. To examine this question, we used data from the AIDS Linked to the IntraVenous Experience (ALIVE) cohort, which consisted of injection drug users (IDU) presenting to a community clinic in Baltimore and followed semiannually for up to 30 years. Data were collected from 2005&ndash;2013 and history of incarceration was based on self-report for when the participant was entered into the cohort study anytime between 1988&ndash;2005. Outcome data were frailty using Fried&rsquo;s criteria (For frailty, operationalized according to Fried, we used a three-level scale of non-frail, prefrail, and frail) that was collected from 2005 onward, and all-cause mortality collected from NDI-Plus. For statistical analysis, ALIVE participants were divided into two cohorts, those recruited before the introduction of highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) when HIV infection was a significant cause of premature mortality, and those recruited after the advent of HAART when the risk of death from HIV dropped significantly. We started the investigation with a literature review that included scholarly studies published from 1990 until 2017 on the association between incarceration and prevalence of chronic disease. In the cross-sectional study, the independent variable was a history of incarceration, operationalized as the total number of reported incarcerations in the six months prior to baseline. We examined two dependent variables: Frailty and mortality. No statistically significant effect of incarceration on frailty was found even after controlling for age, gender, race, educational attainment, HIV status, or current injection drug use. For mortality by a history of incarceration a survival analysis showed no significant difference even after controlling for age, gender, and HIV status. The adjusted relative hazard (95% CI) of mortality for those with a history of incarceration was 1.14 (0.81, 1.60) among those enrolled in the Pre-HAART era cohort and 1.19 (0.68, 2.10) for those enrolled in the HAART era cohort. Although earlier studies observed excess mortality soon after release, our data suggests that the role of past incarceration may have modest if any impact on the long term occurrence of frailty or mortality.</p><p>