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In the context of post-9/11 calls for educational reform in the Arab-Muslim world, this study investigates a set of underlying claims and assumptions about the socialising capacities of English-medium education. Specifically, the study examines perceptions about the socialising effects of English-medium education from the standpoint of Arab-Muslim students at a Gulf Arab university. In assessing these perceptions, the study compares students’ perceptions on two levels: (i) on one level, it looks into students’ perceptions about the socialising effects of English-medium education in direct contrast to those of Arabic-medium education; and (ii) on another level, it contrasts the perceptions of English-medium students with those of Arabic-medium students. The research for this thesis was carried out at an international bilingual Arab university in the United Arab Emirates. Data for the study was gathered from two data collection sources, namely student questionnaires and group interview sessions. In both instances, students’ perceptions were sought on a range of contrastive issues related to a series of underlying claims and assumptions about English-medium and Arabic-medium education. Overall, 365 Arabic-speaking students from both an English-medium and Arabic-medium educational background participated in the study. Within this sample group, students were drawn from four university colleges: College of Engineering, College of Business, College of Law, and College of Shari’a and Islamic Studies. The study’s findings unveil a complex, often mixed and divided picture of students’ perceptions about the socialising roles of both English-medium and Arabic-medium education. In regard to English-medium education, it finds that though there is a general acceptance of the benefits of studying the English-language, there is also to some extent an acknowledgement of the culturally alienating effects on Arab-Muslim students. The study therefore recommends that granted the paucity of research in this area there is a need to further investigate students’ perceptions from a broader range of institutional cultures in the region.

The triple coordinates of youth, the Sixties and the Cuban Revolution interact to create a rich but relatively unexplored field of historical research. Previous studies of youth in Cuba have assumed a separation between young people and the Revolution, and either objectify young people as units that could be mobilized by the Revolution, or look at how young people deviated from the perceived dominant ideology of the Revolution. This study contends that, rather than being passive in the face of social and material change, young people in 1960s Cuba were active agents in that change, and played a role in defining what the Revolution was and could become. The model built here to understand young people in 1960s Cuba is based on identity theory, contending that youth identity was built at the point where young people experienced – and were responsible for forging – an emerging dominant culture of youth. The latter entered Cuban consciousness and became, over the course of the 1960s, a part of the dominant national-revolutionary identity. It was determined by three factors: firstly, leadership discourse, which laid out the view of what youth could, should or must be within the Revolution, and also helped to forge a direct relationship between the Revolution and young people; secondly, policy initiatives which linked all youth-related policy to education, therefore linking policy to the radical national tradition stemming from Martí; and thirdly, influence from outside Cuba and the ways in which external youth movements and youth cultures interplayed with Cuban culture. Through these three, youth was in the ascendancy, but, where young people challenged the positive picture of youth, moral panics ensued. Young people were neither inherent saints nor accidental sinners in Cuba in the 1960s, and sought multiple ways in which to express themselves. Firstly, they played their role as activists through the youth organisations, the AJR and the UJC. These young people were at the cutting edge of the canonised vision of youth, and consequently felt burdened by a failure to live up to such an ideal. Secondly, through massive voluntary participation in building the Revolution, through the Literacy Campaign, the militias and the aficionados groups, many young people in the 1960s internalised the Revolution and developed a revolutionary consciousness that defines their generation today. Finally, at the margin of the definition of what was considered revolutionary sat young cultural producers – those associated with El Puente, Caimán Barbudo and the Nueva Trova, and their audience – who attempted to define and redefine what it meant to be young and revolutionary. These groups all fed the culture of youth, and through them we can start to understand the uncertainties of being young, revolutionary and Cuban in this effervescent and convulsive decade.

Proefschrift--Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen. / Includes curriculum vitae. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 253-269).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Kentucky, 2004. / Title from document title page (viewed Oct. 12, 2004). Includes clips from videos taken at various estate sales and interviews. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 117 p. : ill. Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-116).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2002. / Typescript. Paging starts with leaf 2. There is no leaf 1. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 165-185). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2002. / Typescript. Paging starts with leaf 2. There is no leaf 1. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 165-185). Also available on the Internet.

Summary: "Romani Accented Movies": Current situation of Romani Cinema and Its future Perspective The main theoretical approach that underpins this work is based on the concept of an accented cinema formulated by the Iranian film scholar Hamid Naficy. On the basis of his methodological tools the author examines some elements of the "accented style" as they assert themselves in the Roma cinema, and comes to the conclusion that already on a small sample of ten Romani filmmakers we can see certain components that are more or less common to all featured artists. Foremost there is shared existence in the "interspace", which is moreover in some aspects different from the exile or other diaspora filmmakers' "boundary" existence, given by the specific status of the Roma minority in society. Roma cinema is characterized by autobiographical approach and author's self-inscription into the story. From the production point of view these films are mostly alternative, low-budget or art-house ones. Romani cinema is most often supported by public broadcasters, subsidies from the state, nonprofit organizations or small production companies. Staffs are often formed on friendship or family ties, the filmmakers usually work with the similar team of people, hold multiple positions themselves and also are present at different...