Magister Legum - LLM / This paper gave an insight into the novelties as well as the deficiencies of the provisions related to democratic elections and their implementation framework. It examined the potential effectiveness or otherwise of a binding treaty which is not yet enforced on the basis of past experience. In effect, it shed light on the possible measures that could be taken to guarantee its realisation and to circumvent the shortcomings in ensuring its effective implementation. / South Africa

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Transforming economic growth into tangible benefits for poor communities appears to have frustrated development practitioners and policy makers. Despite the net positive growth achieved between 1994 and 2014 the face of poverty and inequality remains largely unchanged in South Africa. In such circumstances there is a pressing need for scholars to rethink the social foundations of economic activity and policy (Chang, 2006; Fine, 2001, 2005). One specific line of enquiry that has attracted attention among economists (Stiglitz, 2000; Woolcock, 2001; Fine, 2001) is that of social capital. This thesis seeks understanding of the relationship between social capital and the socioeconomic advancement of poor African/Black residents, particularly those in rural municipalities where there is a lack of financial and other resources. With this in mind, Robert Putnam’s path-breaking theory will be reformulated to explore the relationship during the mid-2000s between social capital, trust, political participation and socioeconomic outcomes in two rural municipalities in the Western Cape province of South Africa, namely Cederberg and Matzikama. The research questions the adequacy of Putnam’s theory of social capital, arguing that it is conceptually simple and inadequate as a description of how membership in social groups (networks) lead to better socioeconomic outcomes in the context of marginal, rural African/Black communities residing in under-capacitated municipalities. The thesis argues that an alternative conceptual framework is required, capable of depicting the complexity of the social processes required to translate social group membership into tangible benefits for poor households, as an explanation of why African/Blacks in Cederberg experienced better socioeconomic outcomes than their counterparts in Matzikama.

A common interpretation of the age gap in electoral turnout is that younger cohorts are apathetic and part of a generation that is absent from political life. Still, youth political participation differs across European countries, and cross- national variation in the age gap has been rarely examined in the literature. This paper, therefore, argues that unequal voting in Europe is due not to a lack of interest in the public good but rather to a combination of contextual and individual factors. This study examines young and older individuals' engagement with electoral politics in 26 European countries using the European Social Survey data between 2008 and 2018. Specifically, this study addresses the questions of (1) what context-related factors determine the age gap in voting between old and young citizens and (2) why the age gap in voting is smaller in some countries than in others. The results show that the age gap varies considerably across countries. The OLS and FE regressions results suggest that government expenditure, the share of migrants, and the age of democracy influence the level of age gap in voting. The findings on macroeconomic and immigration factors raise methodological concerns.

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Despite the connection between labor status and citizenship in Black history, little scholarly consideration has been given to the specific role of labor organizations in Black political participation. This research examines the impact of labor union membership on Black political activity in the immediate post-Civil Rights period, and argues that, similarly to churches and voluntary associations such as the NAACP, labor unions are an important vehicle for political mobilization of the Black community. Results show that Black union members were significantly more likely than non-members to participate in a range of electoral and non-electoral political activities, and to a greater degree, especially members with less education. Considering both demographic shifts in the labor movement and the recent upsurge in Black political activity vis a vis the Black Lives Matter movement, understanding the potential of labor unions as a site of political activism for the Black community---one that can address both political and economic issues---could be important to the growth and sustenance of both movements.

by Victoria Po-tong Cheung. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1982 / Bibliography : leaves 158-162

by Tsui Shung-fat (Dennis). / Bibliography: leaves i-vii / Thesis (M.Ph.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1983

沈國祥. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院社會學部, 1996. / 參考文献 : leaves 146-152. / Shen Guoxiang. / 鳴謝 / 論文撮要 / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 香港選民投票參與情況 --- p.3 / Chapter ´ؤ、 --- 香港自1982年以來的投票參與槪況 --- p.3 / Chapter 二、 --- 1995年立法局地區選區選舉 --- p.5 / Chapter 1. --- 不同年齢及性別的選民投票參與 --- p.5 / Chapter 2. --- 政黨的全面參與選舉 --- p.9 / Chapter 第三節 --- 硏究的重要性及問題的初步建構 --- p.10 / Chapter 第二章 --- 有關投票參與的各種理論 --- p.13 / Chapter 第一節 --- 社會經濟背景投票模型 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二節 --- 政治態度投票模型 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三節 --- 競選動員投票模型 --- p.22 / Chapter 第四節 --- 小結 --- p.26 / Chapter 第三章 --- 香港過去有關投票參與的研究回顧 --- p.27 / Chapter 第四章 --- 研究方法 --- p.34 / Chapter 第一節 --- 樣本及調查方法 --- p.34 / Chapter 第二節 --- 變項的測量 --- p.35 / Chapter 一、 --- 依變項：投票參與 --- p.35 / Chapter 二、 --- 自變項：影響投票參與的可能因素 --- p.39 / Chapter 第三節 --- 統計分析方法的選取 --- p.47 / Chapter 第四節 --- 分析架構 --- p.50 / Chapter 第五章 --- 調查結果與分析之一：個人社經背景因素 --- p.52 / Chapter 第六章 --- 調查結果與分析之二 ：政治態度因素 --- p.67 / Chapter 第一節 --- 一般性政治態度 --- p.68 / Chapter 第二節 --- 選舉議題態度 --- p.75 / Chapter 第三節 --- 政治態度指標的建構 --- p.79 / Chapter 第四節 --- 選民的政治態度與投票參與的關係 --- p.86 / Chapter 第七章 --- 調查結果與分析之三：競選動員因素 --- p.92 / Chapter 第一節 --- 香港選民接觸競選活動的情況 --- p.92 / Chapter 第二節 --- 競選動員變項的建構 --- p.94 / Chapter 第三節 --- 競選動員與個人社經背景的關係 --- p.97 / Chapter 第四節 --- 競選動員與投票參與的關係 --- p.98 / Chapter 第八章 --- 調查結果與分析之四：政黨認同 --- p.104 / Chapter 第一節 --- 香港選民的政黨認同的情況 --- p.104 / Chapter 第二節 --- 政黨認同與政治態度及競選動員的關係 --- p.108 / Chapter 第三節 --- 政黨認同與投票參與的關係 --- p.110 / Chapter 第九章 --- 投票參與整合模型分析及各項研究結果的再檢視 --- p.115 / Chapter 第一節 --- 投票參與的整合模型 --- p.115 / Chapter 第二節 --- 幾個須再進一步檢視的問題 --- p.118 / Chapter 一、 --- 年齡、教育與投票參與關係的再探討 --- p.118 / Chapter 二、 --- 政黨認同的再探討 --- p.125 / Chapter 第三節 --- 幾個未能解決的疑難 --- p.128 / Chapter 第十章 --- 結論 --- p.130 / 附錄 / 附錄一：調查訪問結果槪況 / 表一：訪問結果分佈槪況 --- p.139 / 表二 ：無效樣本的分佈槪況 --- p.140 / 附錄二 ：問卷內容（摘錄） --- p.141 / 參考書目 / 【英文】 --- p.146 / 【中文】 --- p.151