This thesis contributes to a growing body of research on the impact of China’s rustication programme—a social mobilisation, transferring urban school graduates to rural communities during the Cultural Revolution—on the lives of the Cultural Revolution cohort (CR cohort), and more broadly, to research on the impact of socialist campaigns on social mobility. The analyses of this thesis are based on two national surveys as well as interviews that I conducted with former rusticates and non-rusticates. Distinct from earlier studies which stated that the rustication programme had indiscriminate and adverse effects on all social groups, my results show the process itself was socially stratified: (1) children from the bad class origin and highly-educated families were intensively targeted, and (2) the privileged military families were spared from the mobilisation, and their children were sent to join the People's Liberation Army (PLA). In view of the timing of major life transitions, rusticates lag behind their non-rusticated counterparts and individuals from adjacent cohorts, despite the fact that the delayed attainment of further education was experienced by all members of the CR cohort. After controlling for experience of rustication, children of party officials have a higher chance of obtaining a college degree than those from other social backgrounds. The analysis of the complete work-life histories of the CR cohort as a whole reveals four employment trajectories: Rusticates are more likely to be in the trajectory group characterised by unemployment in the late stage of their career than non-rusticates. Children of party members have a higher likelihood to be in the trajectory dominated by managerial work with short initial spells in the PLA. Rusticates are found to be less satisfied with their lives, their current situation is more deprived and they are more likely to be active in conflict solving, as opposed to non-rusticates and members of adjacent cohorts. Interviews suggest that rusticates viewed the experience of rustication as being an important part of their past and display a thirst for public recognition. Yet, the extent of the transformation that this experience has made in their lives is stratified by their work-life experiences. Non-rusticates reckoned their lives were also affected by the rustication through their close links with rusticates.

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 192-199). Also available in print.

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Univ., Diss.--Lund, 2007. / Zsfassung in schwed. Sprache.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1970. / Typescript. Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

In the past 40 years, the U.S. has experienced its largest expansion of incarceration. Sociological research has begun to examine the effects the dramatics rises in incarceration in the United States on other areas of social life. One area of research has examined the effects of parental incarceration on children. In this study, I examined the effects of parental incarceration on intragenerational and intergenerational socioeconomic mobility using data from nationally-representative sample of respondents who had been studied from adolescence to young adulthood. Specifically, I examined the effects of parental incarceration prevalence and duration on three measures of socioeconomic status—household income, occupational prestige, and educational attainment—at young adulthood while controlling for measures of parental socioeconomic status and socioeconomic status during adolescence. I found that the presence of parental incarceration, especially when it occurred before adulthood, exerted significant negative effects on all three measures of socioeconomic status at young adulthood. These effects were rather consistent throughout my results. The duration of parental incarceration among those who experienced it exerted few significant effects on socioeconomic status. I also found that the main mechanisms through which parental incarceration affected social mobility were early economic disadvantage and criminal justice contact. Parental incarceration had a significant negative effect on household income during adolescence. It also had a significant positive effect on arrests during adulthood. Low levels of household income during adolescence and high levels of arrests during adulthood, then, were associated with diminished socioeconomic life chances. Some of the effects of parental incarceration on social mobility were moderated by gender, race, and other demographic and contextual control variables, but the nature of those moderating effects was not consistent throughout my analyses. These findings indicate parental incarceration helps set in motion a process of cumulative disadvantage and a process of the intergenerational transmission of offending (and the negative social and economic consequences that come with it). The effects of both of these processes are that children of parents who’ve been “locked up” are then “locked out” of economic opportunities. This process may help form and reinforce social class boundaries.

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