This study examines the process by which the British Labour Party is transformed into New Labour Party, under the leadership of Tony Blair. Tony Blair declared that the Labour Party Government was elected as New Labour and that they would be govern as New Labour in 1997. How did Tony Blair as leader seek to define New Labour to win an election for the Labour Party after four successive defeats? ¡§New Labour¡¨ the term used to describe the project of Tony Blair to continue the modernization of the Labour Party to enable it to win power. ¡§New Labour¡¨ attempted to break with ¡§Old Labour¡¨ by revising Clause ¢¼ of the Party Constitution, introduced direct democracy to rediscover their members, rebuild the party structure and policy-making process, weakening links with the trades unions, and accepting the Thatcherism agenda of lower levels of social protection and deregulated labour market. ¡§New Labour¡¨ went on to gain a landslide victory in the 1997 election, but there were criticism that ¡§New Labour¡¨ had abandoned the historic aim of an equal society.

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2008. / Submitted by Kathryn Cardim Araujo (kathryn.cardim@gmail.com) on 2009-10-15T15:28:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_CristianoGarciaMendes.pdf: 2165173 bytes, checksum: a3a3a7cdf6f3a5276d75711b2d9fac98 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marília Freitas(marilia@bce.unb.br) on 2009-10-15T20:07:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_CristianoGarciaMendes.pdf: 2165173 bytes, checksum: a3a3a7cdf6f3a5276d75711b2d9fac98 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2009-10-15T20:07:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_CristianoGarciaMendes.pdf: 2165173 bytes, checksum: a3a3a7cdf6f3a5276d75711b2d9fac98 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-22 / Esta tese analisa o uso do conceito de terrorismo nos discursos do ex-Primeiro-Ministro Britânico Tony Blair. Utilizando uma abordagem derridiana, o estudo identifica as principais mudanças ocorridas nas narrativas de Blair após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, nos Estados Unidos, mostrando as estratégias utilizadas pelo ex-Primeiro-Ministro na tentativa de estabilização de sentidos discursivos. Partindo também de pressupostos schmittianos, segundo os quais ser soberano é decidir sobre exceções, o presente estudo mostra como esta exclusividade decisória é utilizada por Blair como principal estratégia de estabilização de suas estruturas discursivas. ___________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / This thesis analyses the use of the concept terrorism on the discourses of the former Britain's Prime Minister Tony Blair. Using a derridian approach, the study identifies the most important changes the happened in Blair's narratives after the 9/11 of 2001, at the United States, showing the strategies used by the former Prime Minister in the attempt to stabilize the discourse meanings. Using also a schmittian assumption, that being sovereign is to be able to decide about exceptions, the present study shows how the decision exclusivity is used by Blair as a main strategy of stabilization of his discourses' structures.

Depuis des décennies. The Economist est considéré comme une référence incontournable pour tous ceux qui s'intéressent à l'actualité politique et économique internationale. The Economist apparaît comme un journal d'opinion qui vise à renforcer l'influence d'une élite possédant un pouvoir économique et culturel dans le monde. L'hebdomadaire vante souvent son objectivité, son indépendance ainsi que sa vocation internationale ; cependant, le lecteur averti perçoit The Economist comme un magazine qui n'est pas si différent des autres dans la mesure où il cherche à défendre sa cause, sa doctrine et à faire valoir sa propagande. Cette thèse tente d'analyser l'image d'une personnalité politique, le Premier ministre britannique, Tony Blair, et de mettre en relief sa politique européenne et sa relation anglo-américaine à travers unelecture critique de The Economist de mai 1997 à mai 2005. Cette étude, qui se base sur l'approche de l'analyse critique du discours, envisage de souligner l'absence de partialité de The Economist, qui défend des valeurs néolibérales et tente ainsi de répondre aux attentes des lecteurs et de défendre sa vision du monde / For decades. The Economist has been considered as an indispensable reference for those who are interested in international, political and economic news. The Economist has established itself as a journal which aims to reinforce the elite's influence on decision-making in economics, politics and culture in the world. The weekly magazine frequently proclaims its objectivity and its independence as well as its international appeal; nevertheless, the alert reader perceives The Economist as a magazine which is not so different from the others in that it defends its own cause, advocates its own doctrine and promotes its chosen propaganda.This thesis tries to analyze the image of a political figure, the British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and to focus on his European policies and Anglo-American relations through the study of The Economist between May 1997 and May 2005. The methodology of critical discourse analysis will help to demonstrate the partiality of The Economist, which vehicles neoliberal ideas, thus fulfilling readers' expectations while defending its own vision of the world

(in English): The aim of the theses is to map the development of feminization of two main British political parties, Conservative and Labour party from the point of view of descriptive participation, i.e. women representation in the party and parliamentary structure. Incorporation of women organization into the party structure including also integration of women's concerns into the party manifesto is another topic presented in the text. Attitude towards women advancement and women enfranchisement based on the overall perception of women identity are also included. The second part of the thesis focuses on specific premiership period of Tony Blair and David Cameron with regards to the aspect of feminization mentioned above and legislative steps and their influence on life and position of women in wider society. As a part of the theses, the comparison of both terms of office, from the point of view of their attitudes towards women's issues and strategies of promoting women political participation, are involved.

Ce travail de recherche analyse comment les autorités locales adaptent les outils mis à leur disposition pour apporter une réponse de proximité à la délinquance dans deux quartiers de Londres, Brixton et Woolwich (Common et Riverside). Il se concentre dans un premier temps sur la composition ethnique et sociale de ces deux quartiers peuplés de ‘communautés noires’ selon la terminologie anglaise (Partie I). Il examine aussi précisément que possible les différentes formes de délinquance et de criminalité qui sévissent à Brixton et Woolwich et l'implication possible des populations ‘noires’ (Partie II). Il se penche ensuite sur les outils dont disposent les pouvoirs publics (Partie II) afin de cerner comment les politiques nationales ou régionales sont appliquées au niveau local. Cette recherche traite principalement des années 2005-08, mais les troubles de l’été 2011, tout comme les premiers résultats du dernier recensement mené en Angleterre (2011), sont évoqués. Il apparaît que Brixton fait preuve d’un esprit d’initiative qui manque à Woolwich et qui s’explique en partie par l’histoire récente du quartier. / This research focuses on the safety policies regarding the black communities in Brixton and Woolwich (Woolwich Riverside and Woolwich Common wards) during the years 2005-08. It explores how the local authorities managed to adjust and adapt the national policies and laws to their own priorities and goals. First, the ethnicity and social background of the population in those two areas are studied (Part I). Then, it focuses on the different kinds of anti-social behaviour and criminality and determines how the black communities are involved, either as victims or perpetrators (Part II). What tools the local authorities have at their disposal, what kind of partnerships they establish to fight against anti-social behaviours, crime and violence are analysed in the last part of this work (Part III). This research is mainly focused on the years 2005-2008, but the riots in August 2011 as well as the last census results (2011) will be discussed. The local safety policies in Brixton prove to be more originals than in Woolwich, which can be partly explained by the recent history of the area.

The subject of this thesis is The Conservative Party and its use of political marketing. The text analyzes how the Party responded to three subsequent election defeats in 1997, 2001 and 2005 and to what extent are the Conservatives utilizing political marketing methods and techniques in reaction to the pressure from their more market oriented competitor, the Labour Party. Since the rebranding of the Labour Party under Tony Blair, the Conservatives were struggling to adapt to the new reality. Instead of utilizing political marketing and being more responsive to the wishes of the electorate they diverged their polities more to the right. However, their incumbent leader, David Cameron, is transforming the Party and making it more market oriented. These efforts are critically analyzed.

Tony Blair’s extraordinary decision to ask for Parliament’s approval for British military deployment in the Iraq War prompted lingering questions about who decides on matters of war and peace in modern Britain. His successors’ use, and thereby confirmation, of the new parliamentary prerogative suggested a fundamental reorganization of war powers in British politics, giving Parliament a significantly stronger position in the realm of foreign affairs. This paper argues that a number of factors, like a Prime Minister’s leadership style, the role Cabinet and the civil service, and Parliament’s governing disadvantages that makes it difficult for Members of Parliament to assert themselves proactively rather than reactively, make the prospect of a “War Powers Act” enshrining Parliament’s constitutional role in authorizing war highly unlikely.

The aim of master's thesis "Attitudes to the UK membership in the European Union (1993- 2016)" is to analyse the individual theoretical and political attitudes towards the UK membership in the European Union. In particular, the thesis focuses on the period after the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1993, during the governments of Conservative Prime Minister John Major (1990-1997), Labour Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997-2005) and Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron (2010-2016), who called a referendum on "Brexit" in 2016. Since the beginning of its membership in the EU, the United Kingdom has been more inclined towards an intergovernmental approach and worried about the delegation of power to supranational authorities as well as federalist tendencies. Due to the large number of approaches and theories related to the European integration, the thesis will focus in detail on federalism theory, to which the United Kingdom has always strongly defined itself, contrary to the model of multilevel governance that characterizes the current political system in Britain. In the past, the British political system was based on the so-called Westminster model, however, since the 1980s it has gradually transformed into a model of multilevel governance. The core of the thesis is to classify the relations...

The aim of the master thesis is to deal with the specific bond between the USA and the Great Britain - by Winston Churchill defined as a special relationship - which connects the both countries based on their common history, language and culture or on their common threat. The special bond then further leads and helps to close cooperation and support in between the USA and the Great Britain. The era the thesis is concerned with begins at the very end of the Cold War when the common enemy was defeated and it was claimed that the special relationship is supposed to vanish as well. It then ends with the term of David Cameron who was later succeeded by Theresa May. The work further focuses on the three significant British premiers - John Major, Tony Blair and David Cameron and the description of their attitude to the relationship with European Union and more importantly to the USA, as the references about the special relationship appear further in their speeches. The subject of my analysis are the speeches of individual statesmen and the fact how exactly they perceive the Great Britain in the international system. Whether the Great Britain should accept its role in the European Union or rather deepen its bond with the USA on the contrary.

The intention of this project is to examine whether or not; Anthony Charles Lynton "Tony" Blair, experienced any belief changes or learning, during the period he was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (UK), a period which lasted 10 years commencing 1997 until 2007. Our analysis will cover a timeline beginning from 1999 a point in time when the UK participated in NATO’s Operation Allied Force during the Kosovo War until 2006 when Britain took on the reins of the EU presidency for a six-month period. An exploration, of the beliefs behind a leader’s decision making logic, should always be considered a prudent undertaking especially when it comes to foreign policy studies. This is because, it is only through such activity scholars can comprehend the distinction between decisions and actions. Thus, understanding when and how; an individual leaders’ belief system changes, is of central importance in furthering our ability in explaining not only state behaviour, but, also the relationship between ‘self’ and ‘other’. The main purpose of an operational code analysis is to enable political scientists and policy makers alike, to deduce from a particular leader’s verbal content, what that actor's beliefs are and the premises they take in relation to their decision-making process. The first of our two part hypotheses seeks to determine whether Tony Blair exhibited changes in his beliefs at various stages of his premiership. These stages were signified by events which were also crucial in defining his political legacy. The events are divided into three categories, Post Kosovo – Pre Iraq, Pre 9/11 – Post 9/11 and Pre EU – Post EU. On completion of our VICS and SPSS analysis on Tony Blair’s operational code belief we discovered that there were no statistically significant changes in any of his operational indices. So, due to the lack of statistically significant changes in Blair’s Philosophical and Instrumental indices we could not classify the events selected for this analysis as having produced any influence on his belief system. Thus we rejected our null hypothesis and accept the alternative hypothesis.