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What is the genetic relatedness between and among populations of turkey vultures? By determining genetic relatedness, foraging and roosting behaviors of vultures may be better understood. Also as a result of this research, a system of determining genetic relationship will be developed ultimately allowing evolutionary behaviors of vulture populations including altruism and/or group selection to possibly be uncovered. The purpose of this research was to obtain sequence information in order to design species-specific primers for future comparisons of minisatellite variation among and between populations of turkey vultures. Two different methods for DNA isolation from blood were compared for their ability to produce high quantities of amplifiable DNA. The Rapid Method (Lahiri et al., 1993) yielded 5.6 ug of DNA from 500 ul ofblood with a purity ratio [A260/A2S0] of 0.926, while the protocol using IsocodeTM Stixyielded 4.3 ug DNA from 15 ul of blood and had a higher purity ratio of 1.365. Although both methods yielded amplifiable DNA, better amplification was attained using the IsocodeTM Stix, which was used for the rest of the project. The polymerase chain reaction, using RAPD (Random Amplified Polymorphic DNA) primers (Operon Technologies, Alameda, CA), was performed to obtain DNA regions containing minisatellites. Fragments generated by the OPB 08 primer hybridized to a pool of labeled minisatellite core sequences by Southern hybridization. This minisatellitecontaining fragment (800 bp) was excised from a gel and cloned into a plasmid vector (pCR®2.1-TOPO) producing a recombinant plasmid. The recombinant plasmids werereplicated in E. coli, plasmid DNA was isolated, and the cloned fragment was sequenced for determination of the flanking sequences around the minisatellite core. Multiple colonies (pTpvul 1-4) were picked from the cloning/transformation stages but only one brightly hybridizing colony was chosen for sequencing (pTpvul 1). Sequencing and sequencing analysis proved difficult and no minisatellite core sequences could be located. This could be attributed to extensive secondary structure in the DNA sequence or to recombination within the fragment when grown in E. coli. These flanking sequences, thought to be identical at each locus of the minisatellite in a genome, were to be used as species-specific primers in future minisatelhte-PCR DNA fingerprinting. / Department of Biology

The Selīmnāme of Celālzāde Muṣṭafā Çelebi is a history of the early career and the reign (1512-20) of the Ottoman Sultan Selīm I. The part which forms the subject of the present edition and translation covers the early career of Selīm, up to his accession to the Ottoman throne, and concentrates particularly on the troubled state of Anatolia during the latter part of the reign of Selīm's father, Bāyezīd II, and on the events which led to Selīm's acquiring the Sultanate in the face of strong competition from his brother Aḥmed. Celālzāde Muṣṭafā had entered the service of the Ottoman government halfway through Selīm's reign, in 1516, as a scribe of the Imperial Dīvān. Under Selīm's son and successor, Süleymān, he was promoted, first to the office of Re'īs ül-Küttāb (1525) and then to that of Nişānci (1534), which he held, with great distinction, for twenty-three years. The Selīmnāme was written sometime between 1557 and 1566, during the period of his retirement. In explaining his reason for writing the book, Celālzāde asserts that none of the accounts of Selīm's reign which have so far been written, reflect the true facts, because they were written by uninformed people. He himself claims to have gained his knowledge from reliable people (including Pirī Pasha, Grand Vizier during the last two years of Selīm's reign, whom he served as private secretary). He also implies that his position as Nişānci, by giving him access to documents relating to the period, has made him especially well qualified to set the record straight. The Selīmnāme has not been published, but survives in six manuscript copies, which are located in Istanbul, Dresden, London and Manchester. The critical edition nere presented is based on a full collation of the relevant sections of all these manuscripts, which has yielded sufficient evidence regarding the inter-relationship of them to make possible the postulation of a stemma codicum. Descriptions of the manuscripts, and a discussion of the main patterns of variation between them, are included in the introduction to this thesis. The notes accompanying the translation are intended primarily as a commentary on the text itself, and include a considerable element of discussion of linguistic and semantic problems. The significance of historical terns occurring, and the identity of persons mentioned in the text are also made the subject of notes.

The Diyarbalur Ulu Cami provides an important architectural focal point for exploring intercultural and inter and intra religious interaction. The Ulu Cami, the Great Mosque of the city of Diyarbakir in eastern Turkey, has functioned as a place of worship and a centre of civic and community activities since its initial phase of construction in 1091-92, under Sultan Malik Shah of the Great Seljuks. By adopting - '. regional architectural materials and craftspeople, and through the inclusion of pre- Islamic, dassicizing spolia, the mosque complex has maintained a connection to the local vernacular. The ethnically, linguistically and religiously diverse population of Diyarbakir has influenced the form and development of the architecture through additions such as a distkct prayer area for Kurdish Shafi'i Muslims. Over the centuries, mosque patrons, including political and religious leaders, made efforts to incorporate architectural symbolism, revealing strength and piety by referencing such edlfices as the Umayyad Mosque of Damascus.

For Turkey, Europe was the model for modernization since the era of Kemal Ataturk. Turkey's relations with Europe started with the Ankara agreement and the opening of the custom union. Since then, the country has strived for integration with the community. The Commission rejected Turkey's application in 1989 while stating for the first time that political reasons affected this decision over concerns about the Cyprus issue. The integration of new members highlighted the shift of Europe towards political considerations. Turkey was rejected again as a candidate at the Luxemburg summit. The following Helsinki summit accepted the candidacy for Turkey but now the country must comply with the political criteria. Turkey has made great progress towards integration. However, the demands imply that Turkey must make strong decisions that might contradict the country's long standing powers' politic approach. Moreover, the criteria raise security concerns in a country were security is an aspect of its psychology. The implementation of a such strong decision needs a calmer democratic environment. Turkey's further impediment results from such an absence. Thus, Turkey's real impediment is democratic deficiency. Therefore, Turkey needs a little more time to better align itself with the democratic values of the European standard before its integration, which appears possible considering the pace of reforms and the strategic weight of the country. / Major, Hellenic Air Force

From the mid-1950s until 1997, civil-military relations in Turkey followed a distinct pattern. Friction between the armed forces and the civilian government led to a series of coup d'eÌ tats which then institutionalized greater political power for the military as the country transitioned back to a democracy. In essence, the seeds for subsequent interventions were planted by the previous coups. This happened in 1960, 1971, and 1980. This "friction, coup, power" pattern was sustained by the collective security environment during the Cold War. Turkey's "soft" coup of 1997 would produce different domestic results because the international environment had changed. Even though Turkey was a democracy and a NATO member, it did not qualify for EU membership because of the quality of its democracy. One of the measures was its failure to gain civilian control over the military. Beginning in 1998, the EU tied the status of Turkey's civil-military relations to its membership bid. In July and August of 2003, the Turkish Parliament ratified a series of legislation packages designed to curb the influence of the military. These institutional changes designed by the European Union represent only the first step in Turkey's attempt to gain democratic civilian control of its military.

Approved for public release; distribution unlimited / This thesis analyzes the consequences of Turkey's natural gas cooperation with Iran. Two countries initiated cooperation in natural gas sales and transportation to Turkey and Europe. However, conflicting interests of many actors in energy issues make finding a solution harder. With the signing of the gas agreement between Turkey and Iran, the calculations became complicated even further. Turkey's efforts to industrialize its economy, Iran's struggle against the U.S. sanctions along with its ideological reputation, the emergence of new independent former Soviet republics that are not very independent economically from Russia and the U.S. objectives in enhancing the political and economic advance of those republics as well as containment of Iran are the major issues on the scene. If a compromise that would address the needs and interests of all actors in the region could be reached, the regional political and economic stability could have a substantial contribution to global security and stability. In this sense, Turkey's natural gas cooperation with Iran plays an important role for future prospects, since it may distribute prosperity and stability through the pipelines established between two countries that can connect Central Asia to Europe. / 1st Lieutenant, Turkish Air Force

Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi / The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate the explicit societal and underlying political consequences of heavy-handed state measures to cultivate secularism and Islamism in Turkey and Iran respectively. The elites in each country have failed to indoctrinate the majority of the youth, who seek to change the status quo. A brief historical review of each country is provided in order to properly understand their sociopolitical environments. In Turkey, the majority of the educated youth demand the right to exercise their religious rights, including veiling in public spaces. In Iran, on the other hand, the young people refuse to abide by the various rules and government-imposed obligations. In both countries the boundaries between what is a private decision and public obligation is ever shifting. The youth, comprising the largest segment of its population in both countries, possess with enormous power and potential. The elitist status quo, whether supported by Kemalists in Turkey or Islamists in Iran, must ultimately bend to the will of the youth. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: International Studies Honors Program. / Discipline: International Studies.