黃秀顏. / 论文(哲学博士)--香港中文大学, 2002. / 参考文献 (p. 241-258). / 中英文摘要. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Huang Xiuyan. / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (p. 241-258).

萬波. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 1998. / 參考文獻 (p. 183-205) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Wan Bo. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1998. / Can kao wen xian (p. 183-205) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

本文通過考察吉安青原山寺的歷史來探究宋到清初佛教寺院與地方士人精英的關系演變。 / 宋元時期，文人碑刻為佛寺帶來聲譽和地位，青原山寺僧通過與上層士大夫精英打交道來獲取文化和政治上的支持。從9 世紀開始，由於禪宗部分宗派的改宗溯源，青原行思和尚最終在宋代官修禪宗史籍中確立正統地位，青原山寺被稱為禪宗「七祖道場」。南宋吉州科舉的興盛和高層士人的崛起催生了吉州的地域認同，青原山在廬陵文化的塑造中成為地方認同的標簽。但是在經濟上，像宋元吉州許多佛寺一樣，青原山寺通過在寺內或寺旁修功德祠的方式與當地富人做生意來獲得捐施。 / 明代中前期佛教發展走入低潮，洪武皇帝禁止官員與佛寺僧人打交道，以防僧俗勾結。嘉靖時期的毀「淫祠」運動和禁制佛教法令對佛寺造成了災難性的打擊。王學士人和吉安府地方官積極投身開展毀「淫祠」運動，打擊佛寺，清算寺產，青原山寺深受其害。從16 世紀30 年代開始，王學士人在青原山定期舉行講會，變寺院為書院，青原山寺因而被王學講會和儒學祭祀所占領，成為吉安府讀書人求學的精神聖地。 / 萬曆年間宮廷的崇佛勢力和晚明由政治焦慮而產生的崇佛熱潮波及吉安。在這場佛教復興中，有青原山求學經歷的第三、第四代王學人士熱衷於佛寺的興修。在晚明數十年間，通過科考、學術和姻親組成的吉安上層士大夫家族圈對青原山寺捐修的熱情持續不減。他們將王學會館神祠移至寺外，重修寺院，購買寺田。而嘉靖以來形成的青原山王學講會和精英文化傳統，使得吉安上層士人主導了青原山寺佛教的復興。 / 清初青原山在地方官和士紳庇護下成為明遺民逃禪之所。三藩之亂以前的清初地方官員創造了比較寬松的政治環境，順治至康熙年間，由前明逃禪官員住持的青原山寺，在省、府、縣三級官員、地方士紳和府縣學生的支持下，贖回大量土地、增建建築規模，免去里甲徭役，收留前朝遺民。青原講會重新恢復，成為全府知識活動的焦點所在。 / This dissertation examines the relationship between Buddhist monasteries and local literati elites in Jiangxi from Song to early Qing, with focus on a specific monastery: the Qingyuan si . / Literati inscriptions was a fountain of fame and prestige for Buddhist monasteries in Song-Yuan Ji'an.Thus monks constantly sought for cultural and political support from upper elite officials. Song Jizhou enjoyed unprecedented examination success and produced many high officials, which led to the birth of a territorial identity among the literati. Mount Qingyuan, renowned as a sacred site of the seventh Patriarch of Chan Buddhism--Qingyuan Xingsi( 青原行思), a result of genealogical writing since the 9th century, was constructed into the local identity in this process.The economic base of Qingyuan si, like many others in Song-Yuan Jizhou, however, lied in donations in exchange for a sacrifice hall built in or adjacent to the monastery. / The first two centuries of Ming was a gloomy time for Buddhism. Founding emperor Hongwu thrust a wedge between monks and officials to prevent conspiracy. The Jiajing period witnessed calamitous strikes to Buddhist monasteries in a movement to demolish 'illicit temples', together with anti-Buddhist edicts issued by the Jiajing Emperor. Yangming scholars and local officials alike actively participated in tearing down and confiscating land of 'illict temples', among which was Qingyuan si. In the meantime, the rise of Yangming school made Qingyuan si a prominent site of Yangming huijiang (learning and discussing meetings), turning it into a Yangming Academy and spiritual center of scholarship in Ji'an since the 1530's. / In the Buddhist revival driven by inner court forces and a nationwide fever for Buddhism out of political anxiety, the third and fourth generations of Yangming scholars in Ji'an demonstrated great enthusiasm in restoring Buddhist monasteries. During the remaining years of Ming, gentry families of Ji'an, connected by scholarship and marriage, showed consistency in monastic patronage under which Qingyuan si managed to remove Yangming halls, restore Buddhist constructions and reacquire much land. Moreover, donation to the monastery then became a sphere largely exclusive to a privileged literati group as a result of its elite tradition formed in the Jiajing era. / Early Qing Qingyuan si served as a shelter for Ming loyalists. The Ming-Qing transition cracked down some old patronal literate families of Qingyuan si by war. However, under the protection of supportive local officials, surviving gentry families and students, the monastery benefited from two decades of peaceful time due to a mild political climate before late 1670s. Former Ming high officials were invited abbots, land was redeemed, and labor service was relieved. The reopened Qingyuan huijiang once again made it a focal place of intellectual activities. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 敖迎盈. / "2012年12月". / "2012 nian 12 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-114). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Ao Yingying. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 歷史地理 --- p.9 / Chapter 1. --- 吉安歷史地理 --- p.9 / Chapter 2. --- 吉安早期佛教史概況 --- p.17 / Chapter 第三章 --- 明以前吉安佛教與青原山 --- p.24 / Chapter 1. --- 改宗溯源與禪宗正統的書寫青原山「七祖」道場之由來 --- p.24 / Chapter 2. --- 宋元時期的文人、官員與青原山 --- p.29 / Chapter 3. --- 從宋長者祠看宋元青原山寺的受捐和社會功能 --- p.37 / Chapter 第四章 --- 從佛教「祖庭」到儒學「聖域」：明代王學講會與青原山佛寺的困境 --- p.41 / Chapter 1. --- 王陽明與嘉靖時期吉安府王學 --- p.43 / Chapter 2. --- 「毀淫祠」運動與嘉靖年間佛寺的生存困境 --- p.48 / Chapter 3. --- 16 世紀的青原王學會講 --- p.53 / Chapter 第五章 --- 晚明佛教復興和吉安士人的參與 --- p.63 / Chapter 第六章 --- 明末清初青原山僧人、地方士紳與吉安府政治的變遷 --- p.80 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.100 / 參考文獻 --- p.105

王帮清. / "2008年8月". / "2008 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wang Bangqing. / 關鍵詞與摘要 / Abstract and Key words / Chapter 第一章、 --- 序言 / Chapter 第一節， --- 問題與學術史 / Chapter 第二節， --- “懷遠人´ح生活的時空地理環境 / Chapter 第三節， --- 材料與方法 / Chapter 第四節， --- 論文內容 / Chapter 第二章、 --- 建立“懷遠都´ح：對地權的爭奪 / Chapter 第一節、 --- 移民的湧入 / Chapter 第二節、 --- 入籍建都，爭奪地權 / Chapter 第三章、 --- 建立文季：只爲賓興？ / Chapter 第一節， --- 懷遠都各圖甲所屬之文季 / Chapter 第二節， --- 四都二圖所屬之文昌宮：互助還是高利貸？ / Chapter 第四章、 --- 梯雲書院：懷遠人的聯合控產機構 / Chapter 第一節， --- 梯雲書院的建立 / Chapter 第二節， --- 梯雲書院的財產控制 / Chapter 第五章、 --- 全善局和華國堂：不止是爲漕糧 / Chapter 第一節， --- 咸豐三年之前的漕糧糾紛 / Chapter 第二節， --- 全善局與華國堂 / Chapter 第六章、 --- 結論：社會轉變下的身份建構 / 參考書目

本文主要探討蔣中正於1930～1937年之間如何型範其建構現代國家的模式。此期間在完成北伐後對中共展開軍事圍剿，他試圖融合中國傳統社會控制方法與現代西方觀念，展開一連串政治、社會、經濟等層面的改革，從中體現了現代國家的建構過程。江西省作為對中共軍事圍剿的中心，在熊式輝主政下施行一系列地方政治改革措施，其中包含了許多傳統的中國社會控制方式，而正也體現了蔣中正其有關地方政治改革觀念。同時，江西省的農村與同時期中國其他省份農村，均面臨了嚴重的經濟與社會危機，江西農村在當時更成為毛澤東建立革命根據地並成功動員農民的大本營，並且展現了毛澤東建構現代國家的另一種模式。所以分析江西為何能夠成為中共進行武裝革命的重要根據地，以及其能成功動員農民的主要動力何在，成為理解蔣中正據以提出其著名的「三分軍事，七分政治」策略的重要原因。因此，江西省政府於1930年代進行一連串的地方政治改革，分析其方案內容以理解蔣中正對於地方政治改革與建構現代國家之間的關係。對蔣中正而言，進行地方政治改革的主要目的是為了擴張與強化國家對基層社會之基礎控制能力，借以強化對農村社會的控制。但為使改革成功而必須適應中國之國情，因此蔣中正採借了中國傳統帝國時期有關農村社會控制與動員的手段，例如保甲制度、團練與強調恢復傳統道德精神的新生活運動等。其後，蔣中正以江西省的實際作法與成功經驗作為其掌握國家權力後的具體施政參照，例如1939年對日抗戰期間國民政府毅然決定全面革新進行縣政制度，也反映了相同的政治改革邏輯。在蔣中正的政治改革理念中，不僅反映了傳統與現代性之間的掙扎、反抗與妥協，衝突、轉化與融合，並且有意或無意地採取了中國特有的習慣與制度，從而體現了現代性的多元特性。 / This dissertation focuses on the ideas and mode of how Chiang Kai-shek build the modern state in 1930-1937. In this period, he tried to integrate traditional Chinese social control methods and modern Western concepts, and launched a series of political, social, economic and other aspects of the reform. However, in the period of 1930-1937. Which embodies the construction of the modern state process. Jiangxi Province as the center of the Chinese military siege before 1935, Xiong Shi-hui implement a series of local political reform measures which contains many of the traditional Chinese social control, Chiang Kai-shek is the best embodiment of the concept of local political reform. At the same time, rural areas in Jiangxi Province and other provinces in China in the same period were facing serious economic and social crises. At that time, the rural areas in Jiangxi Province became Mao Zedong's revolutionary base areas and the headquarters where successfully mobilized the peasants, moreover, Mao Zedong to show the construction of a modern state of another model. Therefore, the analysis of why Jiangxi could become an important base for the armed revolution in China, its main motivation to mobilize the peasants, became an important reason for Chiang Kai-shek to put forward his famous "three points military, seven political" strategy. Therefore, the Jiangxi provincial government in the 1930s to carry out a series of local political reform, analysis of its program content to understand the Chiang Kai-shek for local political reform and the construction of the relationship between the modern state. For Chiang Kai-shek, the purpose of local political reform is to expand and strengthen the country's basic control of grass-roots level of social control, but to make the success of the reform must adapt to China's national conditions, so he adopted the traditional society of social control and mobilization means, such as the system of “Bar-jia”, “Tuan-Lian”(militia) and the new life movement which that emphasizes the restoration of the traditional moral spirit. The practices and successful experience of Jiangxi become an important reference after Chiang Kai-shek take the political power of nation, for example, he decided to conduct a comprehensive reform of the county system during the Sino-Japanese war in 1939, which that also reflects the same logic of political reform. In Chiang Kai-shek's ideas of political reform, not only reflects the struggle between tradition and modernity, resistance and compromise, bat also conflict, transformation and integration. At the same time, in his ideas had adopted China's unique habits and institutions intentionally or unintentionally, thus reflecting the characteristics of modernity multivariate.

何世昌. / "2002年5月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2002. / 參考文獻 (leaves 169) / 附中英文撮要. / "2002 nian 5 yue" / He Shichang. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 169) / Fu Zhong Ying wen cuo yao. / 提要 / 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 方回生平考略 / Chapter 第一節 --- 生平、為人與思想 --- p.4 / Chapter 第二節 --- 詩學淵源 --- p.25 / Chapter 第二章 --- 《瀛奎律髓》成書的若干問題 / Chapter 第一節 --- 版本問題 --- p.31 / Chapter 第二節 --- 成書過程 --- p.35 / Chapter 第三節 --- 編選動機 --- p.39 / Chapter 第四節 --- 淵源 --- p.42 / Chapter 第三章 --- 《瀛奎律髓》在詩歌理論史上的意義 / Chapter 第一節 --- 體裁特色 --- p.48 / Chapter 第二節 --- 分類及體例特色 --- p.50 / Chapter 第四章 --- 《瀛奎律髓》的選詩及評詩情況 / Chapter 第一節 --- 選詩情況 --- p.90 / Chapter 第二節 --- 圈點特色與批評術語 --- p.134 / Chapter 一、 --- 句眼說 --- p.158 / Chapter 二、 --- 拗律說 --- p.161 / Chapter 三、 --- 用事說 --- p.162 / Chapter 四、 --- 變體說 --- p.164 / Chapter 五、 --- 新巧說 --- p.166 / 結語 --- p.168 / 參考書目 --- p.169 / 附錄一：《瀛奎律髓》類目重組及唐宋五七律入選情況 --- p.171 / 附錄二 ：明楊良弼《作詩體要》考證述評一兼試論其與《瀛奎律髓》關係 --- p.175 / 附錄三：《菊坡詩話》與《瀛奎律髓》 --- p.223 / 附錄四：《瀛奎律髓》資料彙編（初稿） --- p.232 / 附錄五：《瀛奎律髓》引書考 --- p.247 / 附錄六：《瀛奎律髓》引書分類表 --- p.258 / 附錄七：《瀛奎律髓》選錄江湖詩派情况 --- p.267 / 附錄八：方回《桐江續集》篇目（詩歌之部）一覽表 --- p.278 / 附錄九：方虛谷文彙輯總目 --- p.387 / 附錄十：方虛谷文繫年 --- p.402 / 附錄十一：方回〈桐江集序〉 --- p.408 / 附錄十二 ：重要詩人入選詩作統計表 --- p.409