國 立 政 治 大 學 研 究 所 碩 士 論 文 摘 要 研究所所別： 語言學研究所 論文名稱：音位和音節在中文兒童語音扮演的角色：心理語言學實驗的驗證 指導教授：萬依萍 研究生：廖昭媛 論文內容摘要：（共一冊，13,641字，分五章二十節，並扼要說明內容，共453字） 本文目的是想瞭解兒童在聽辨語音相似性，對於音位和音節的敏感性。本研究的受試者是41位操持國語的學齡前兒童。其中二十一位兒童參與非詞語音分類實驗（the nonword classification task）。兒童首先要學習兩個雙音節的標準語音，然後他（她）要依據聽覺上的相似性來歸類稍候聽到的測試音。他們需要要判定測試音聽起和哪一個標準音聽起來比較相似。結果顯示兒童在音位相似性或是音節相似方面的表現並無顯著的差異。另外二十位兒童皆下來進行非詞語音聽辯的實驗（The word-pair judgment task 1 and 2）。在測試工作（一），兒童要聽辨一對兩個雙音節的非詞語音，在前面的部份聽起來是否相似。結果顯示，兒童在音位和音節相似性，音位和最多相性似上的表現皆有顯著的差異性。在測試工作（二），兒童也是要聽辨一對兩個雙音節的非詞語音，在後面的部份聽起來是否相似。實驗的結果和測試工作（一）相同。整體上而言，要解釋在兒童聽辯語音上的表現，除了從「數量」方面的考量，更可以從語音本身結構上上的差異性來討論兒童對與音位和音節的敏感性。此外，在本文的實驗裡，並未發現相似因的位置會造成兒童在聽辯語音上的差異。 / Abstract This paper investigated the role of syllables and phonemes in Mandarin speaking children in terms of the sensitivity to the syllable correspondences and phoneme correspondences. In the first experiment, the nonword classification task, 21 kindergarteners were recruited. The child had to learn two disyllabic standard sounds. Then, he/she was presented with a test nonword and had to classifiy the test nonword to one of the two standard sounds if the test sound and the standard sound are sounded alike at the beginnings. The results in the nonword classification task have shown that the young children did not show the significant reliance on the type of the syllable correspondences. In the two further experiments, the word-pair judgment task 1 and 2, another 20 kindergarteners were recruited. The children were asked to judge whether two test words are sounded alike at the beginnings. The results in the word-pair judgment task 1 indicate that syllables are treated as a structural unit and phonemes are belonging to the lower level of the syllabic constructs. The children’s responses tend to reflect the effect of the syllable structure in the language process rather than the effect of the size of shared units. In the word-pair judgment task 2, the child has to judge whether the two test words are sounded alike at the ends. The results also indicate that children’s performance should be viewed in terms of syllable structures. Besides, the location of the shared unit did not play a role when children judge the similarity between the speech sounds. Children performed equally the same when the shared units are either at the beginnings or at the ends of words in the present study.

傳統上認為以中文為母語的孩童並不具有「音位覺識能力」(phonemic awareness)，本研究以實驗方式直接測量以中文為母語孩童的「音位覺識能力」，同時探討孩童「音位覺識能力」及「聲母—韻母覺識能力」(onset-rime awareness) 在英文拼字與讀字上所扮演的角色。在本研究中，一百九十二位國小四年級的孩童參與二項「母語音韻覺識測驗」，包括「聲母/韻母異音測驗」(onset/rime oddity test) 和「韻腹/韻尾異音測驗」(nucleus/coda oddity test)。根據上述二項測驗的成績，將孩童分為三組：第一組孩童(共29人)，其「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆佳；第二組孩童(共29人)，其「聲母—韻母覺識能力」佳，但「音位覺識能力」差；第三組孩童(共26人)，其「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆差。我們接著利用「拼英文假字測驗」和「讀英文假字測驗」來測量三組孩童的英文拼字與讀字的能力，在施測之前，孩童們有八次的機會學會「拼字」與「讀字」兩項測驗所需具備的「字音對應規則」。結果顯示，雖然孩童的「音位覺識能力」在程度上有所不同，但以中文為母語的孩童已具備「音位覺識能力」。此外，在考慮了孩童們「記憶廣度」(digit span)與「英文聽話字彙」 (English receptive vocabulary)的差異後，「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆佳的孩童，在拼字的表現上優於「聲母—韻母覺識能力」佳，但「音位覺識能力」差的孩童來，接著「聲母—韻母覺識能力」佳，但「音位覺識能力」差的孩童的拼字表現優於「聲母—韻母覺識能力」和「音位覺識能力」皆差的孩童。最後，「音位覺識能力」佳的的孩童，在讀字的表現上優於「音位覺識能力」差的的孩童，此外，並無證據顯示「聲母—韻母覺識能力」在孩童的讀字能力上扮演著重要的角色。整體而言，本研究的結果支持其他研究的看法，這些研究認為以中文為母語的孩童在母語習得過程中所發展出來的「音韻覺識能力」對於其英文拼字與讀字的能力上有著一定的貢獻，此外，本研究更進一步顯示，這種貢獻會隨著「音韻覺識」程度的不同而有所改變。 / It has been conventionally assumed that Chinese-speaking children do not have phonemic awareness. In this study, Chinese-speaking children’s phonemic awareness was empirically tested and its role, relative to onset-rime awareness, in the acquisition of English spelling and reading abilities was examined. Two L1 phonological awareness tests (i.e., an onset/rime oddity test and a nucleus/coda oddity test) were administered to a total of 192 Chinese-speaking fourth-graders. The children were selected and categorized based on their performances on the two L1 phonological awareness tests: 29 children with good onset-rime awareness and good phonemic awareness, 29 children with good onset-rime awareness but poor phonemic awareness, and 26 children with poor onset-rime awareness and poor phonemic awareness. The three groups of children were then tested on their abilities to spell and read English pseudowords. Before taking the English pseudoword spelling and reading tasks, the children were provided with eight opportunities to master the requisite letter-sound knowledge for the success in spelling and reading the pseudowords. The results showed that Chinese-speaking children demonstrated phonological awareness at the phonemic level, though varying in degree. Considered along with individual differences in digit span and English receptive vocabulary, children with better phonological awareness at both the onset-rime level and the phonemic level performed better in English pseudoword spelling than children with better onset-rime awareness but poorer phonemic awareness, who in turn, performed better than children with poorer phonological awareness at both levels. Finally, children with better phonemic awareness outperformed the other two groups of children with poorer phonemic awareness in pseudoword reading. Onset-rime awareness did not seem to play a significant role in pseudoword reading. These results support and extend other studies suggesting that the acquisition of English spelling and reading abilities in Chinese-speaking children benefits from the phonological awareness obtained during the course of first language acquisition and that the beneficial effect varies with the levels of phonological awareness.