Thesis (D. Min.)--Phoenix Seminary, 2006. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 145-149).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Th. M.)--Talbot School of Theology, Biola University, 1987. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 98-104).

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M.A. / At about the same time as Gayspeak was developing across the Atlantic, 'coloured' and white South African gay men were also starting to use their own in-group form of communication. It became known as Gayle, a name which derives from the lexical item Gail, which means 'chat' in the language. This study will endeavour to classify the type of language variety of Gayle, as it clearly is not a separate language on its own. It will also examine why South African gay men have used, and continue to use Gayle in their everyday lives. Given what we said earlier about legitimising Gayle as an incontestable reality within serious linguistic study, and the dearth of serious research in this area, it is important that this topic take its rightful place in the field of sociolinguistics. As language is an integral part of culture, it is also important that a comprehensive lexicon of Gayle be compiled, in line with Joustra's Homo-erotisch Woordenboek, Courouve's Vocabu/aire de l'Homosexualite Masculine and Rodgers' Gay Talk: A (sometimes Outrageous) Dictionary of Gay Slang, as Gayle is an undeniable component in the history of South African culture. In the course of the empirical research component of this study, approximately 90% of respondents indicated an interest in, and need for, such a dictionary.

Magister Artium - MA / This study focused on acceptability of medical male circumcision (MMC) in Ohangwena region, Namibia. Since the scaling up of this program in public hospitals, no study was done with a specific focus on men who are the target population for this intervention. This study aimed at exploring the role of masculinities in MMC acceptance and specifically focused on circumcised men. To understand this context, I initially focused on general constructions of masculinity as well as the historical background of ritual circumcision which used to be practiced in this region. I spent three months at Engela District Hospital working with the male circumcision (MC) regional coordinator who is also the MC Nurse at the same hospital. Data collection process utilised an ethnographic study design involving qualitative research methods namely participant observation, formal and informal interviews and the use of field notes. Participants included men who visited the hospital for circumcision procedure, health workers and community elders. Findings indicate that, circumcision that is now offered in hospital settings is not a recognised marker of masculinity in Ohangwena. There is also paucity of information regarding traditional circumcision. Since its abolishment in the eighteenth century, little is known about the history of this practice. Contemporary means of being a man in this setting are situated in everyday circumstances and include work, being strong, independent and ability to fulfil family responsibilities. Thus, in this context notions of masculinity do not determine men’s responses to MMC. Instead, men are motivated by health benefits in accepting MMC. MMC’s proven ability to reduce HIV transmission by 60% is the primary reason why most men are willing to be circumcised. Other reasons include genital hygiene and correction of medical conditions related to the foreskin such as ulcers and lacerations. Men’s knowledge and understanding of the relationship between MC and HIV prevention also plays a role in MMC acceptance. Some concerns that were raised by men in relation to this intervention are pain and discomfort, fear of complications, decreased penile sensitivity, transfer of untruthful information and gender of circumciser. I regard these concerns as barriers to MMC acceptance. This thesis also argues that, the manner in which MMC is performed out in public health facilities in not gender sensitive since it is mostly done by women. This act in my view is likely to make men feel emasculated and thus discourage other men from taking up this voluntary service. This study therefore recommends similar research in other contexts to challenge speculations made about the likely impact of MMC on masculinity, because, in my research, uptake of MMC has nothing to do with constructions of manhood. I further recommend provision of standardised equipments and resources including human resources for efficient provision of this program countrywide.

Final thesis is about changing role of men and women in a culture. It describes three roles of women in a advertisement.

In this day and age of women's liberation, we constantly hear about the victimization of women and their efforts to free themselves from the domination of men. We all, men and women, seem to take for granted that man is by nature an aggressive individual, the oppressor, that violence is an inborn trait in him, an instinct, or a force released to ease frustrations. The Freudian theories have of course largely contributed to implant those ideas in our minds. Those theories however are now being challenged more and more by the social learning theorists and justly so, as it appears. Indeed, when we read Stendhal's Le Rouge et le Noir, we are struck at first by the pervasive violence. Violence is not only physical, it may take many forms and subtle guises - mental, psychological, verbal, etc. In fact, pressure, tension are ubiquitous in the novel. Our second realization is that not only women are being victimized: men are oppressed and perhaps more generally so. We then come to face the evidence that, because of its particular structure, society is the oppressor. The traditional society of Western civilization is a hierarchical one, based on inequality and power. In such a system, violence has a place and a function. It seems to us that such was the situation in Stendhal's society and in the portrait of it that he painted for us in Le Rouge et le Noir. Our method of investigation has been as follows: our starting point in Chapter 1 is to explain why man in Le Rouge seems to be a victim, as well as a perpetrator, of violence. In the light of findings from modern research in psychology, as well as of socio-economical, historical and political studies, we first examine violence and how it affects the nature of man, "molds" him, so to speak. We look at its causes and implications, how it intensifies, and why men seem to be more violent than women in the novel. We then turn to the social context in which man is supposed to function and study the structure of power as Stendhal described it in Le Rouge et le Noir. We also look at the role of women in that male-dominated society and try to show how men and women reinforce each other in their traditional and stereotyped roles, increasing in the process the communication gap between the sexes. Having thus described the structure of power according to Stendhal, we study in our second chapter the status of man at each level of this hierarchy. This leads us to examine all the male characters in the novel through a systematic survey of the nobility, the clergy and finally the commoners. This detailed examination brings us to a conclusion that seems to be twofold. We discover that man, at whatever level in the hierarchy, is both important, indeed indispensable, as a member of a supporting group, while totally unimportant and even vulnerable, as an individual. In our third and final chapter, we discuss in detail three male characters who embody three different stages in the evolution of man in Stendhal's society: Valenod, M. de Renal, and of course Julien Sorel himself. In our conclusion, we ask ourselves the question: what kind of a message does Stendhal leave us at the close of his novel or, if there is no direct message to the readers, what kind of reaction does Le Rouge et le Noir bring forth in us? Stendhal, in our view, first seems to show us that in order to "succeed" in society, men (and women, for that matter), have to either be without, or abandon all moral principles because the acquisition and use of power must necessarily e at the expense of other people. On the other hand, with Julien Sorel, we see a man who first tries to achieve power without renouncing his own beliefs and must therefore wear a mask, conceal his true nature. The self-imposed necessity of playing a part which does not correspond to his real personality and profound aspirations almost destroys him. At the last however, when about to lose his life, Julien is saved by Stendhal who makes him abandon his sex role. No longer conditioned by a society which rejected and condemned him, Julien becomes finally free to be himself and achieve a balance between the mind and the heart, intelligence and sensibility. And so, since Stendhal did not apparently believe in another life after death, it seems to the reader that the author challenges all men of good will to tear off here and now their stereotyped masks of superiority which in fact enslave them in order to find equality, freedom, love and happiness. / Arts, Faculty of / French, Hispanic, and Italian Studies, Department of / Graduate

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