This dissertation examines exile in Homeric epic and in particular the relationship between exile as a narrative motif and the thematic significance of exile in specific contexts. The Homeric exile motif is defined and found to include four stock elements involving the causes of exile, the role of compulsion in exile, the permanence of exile, and the possible outcomes of exile. The more thematic issues surrounding exile are also considered, especially in the light of ancient and modern theoretical discussions of exile. Three examples of exile in the Iliad and the Odyssey are then analyzed. In each case, close attention is paid to the way in which the exile narrative fits into the immediate context and is thematically relevant to it. The exile narrative delivered by Phoenix to Achilles in Iliad 9 is interpreted as an attempt to dissuade Achilles from carrying out his threat to abandon the expedition against Troy. More precisely, it is argued that Phoenix uses the parallels between his own exile and the situation facing Achilles to suggest that in abandoning the expedition Achilles would become something close to an exile himself, thereby compromising his heroic standing. It is argued that the ghost of the unburied Patroclus uses his exile narrative to Achilles in Iliad 23 to present his experience of death as a parallel to his experience of exile in life and does so in order to persuade Achilles to provide him with ‘hospitality’ in the form of burial, just as Achilles’ family provided Patroclus with hospitality as an exile. Finally, the false exile narrative delivered by Odysseus to Athena (disguised as a shepherd) in Odyssey 13 is interpreted as a reaction to Odysseus’ uncertainty as to whether or not he has reached Ithaca. It is argued that Odysseus uses his exile narrative to contrast the possibility that he is finally home with the possibility that he is still a nameless wanderer. The exile motif is found to be flexible enough to be adapted to the thematic requirements of the contexts in which these three exile narratives occur.

Résumé : La corruption n’est pas simplement un thème, dont la prégnance plus grande à l’époque de la guerre du Péloponnèse indiquerait un souci contemporain, antérieur et extérieur au fonctionnement des discours, elle est en outre une sorte de ferment discursif, dont le rôle dans la genèse de la tragédie, de la médecine, de la philosophie et de l’histoire en Grèce classique est significatif, voire essentiel. Pour ces quatre discours et leurs trois objets principaux — le corps, l’âme et la cité —, la corruption occupe une fonction séminale. La première partie de cette thèse, «La corruption au prisme de la tragédie et de la médecine», est dévolue au corps. La corruption y apparaît à la fois dans le méta-discours et dans le discours proprement dit, ce qui correspond à deux temps de notre analyse. Celle-ci se décline chaque fois sur un double cas de figure, soit pièces — les Trachiniennes et le Philoctète — soit problèmes médicaux — la maladie sacrée et l’avortement. Ce chapitre nous offre un premier angle sous lequel analyser la façon dont la corruption opère dans des discours en émergence, notamment par le brouillage et par le recours à la mise en spectacle. La seconde partie, consacrée à l’âme, comporte deux chapitres : le premier, «Socrate entaché : la corruption de la jeunesse», se penche sur la façon dont le philosophe peut corrompre autrui ; le second, «Le malaise d’Adimante : la corruption du naturel philosophe», sur la manière dont lui-même peut se corrompre dans une cité décrite comme malade. Il s’agit pour Platon dans les deux cas de déconstruire l’association de la philosophie et de la corruption afin d’établir fermement la discipline nouvelle. La troisième partie, «Thucydide, historien de la corruption», s’attache à dégager le rôle de la corruption dans la cité. On y voit que l’idée en est chez l’historien consubstantielle au domaine politique et plus particulièrement à la démocratie athénienne. Contre cette corruption politique, l’historiographie se constitue comme un espace dégagé des périls qui pèsent sur la cité : l’historien, comme le philosophe et le médecin, cherche à se poser comme le véritable incorruptible. Abstract: Corruption is not just a theme whose importance in the era of the Peloponnesian War indicates a contemporary anxiety, prior to and outside of the fuctioning of speech, it is also a kind of discursive ferment, whose role in the genesis of tragedy, medicine, philosophy and history in classical Greece is significant, even essential. For these four discourses and their three main objects (body, soul and city), corruption plays a seminal function. The first part of this dissertation, "La corruption au prisme de la tragédie et de la médecine", is devoted to the body. Corruption appears in both the meta-discourse and the discourse itself each of which we explore in turn. We analyse first two plays (the Trachiniae and the Philoctetes) and then two medical problems (the sacred disease and abortion or miscarriage). This chapter offers a first angle from which to analyze how corruption operates in the emerging discourses, especially through blurring categories and spectacularization. The second part, devoted to the soul, has two chapters: the first, "Socrate entaché : la corruption de la jeunesse" examines how the philosopher may corrupt others; the second "Le malaise d’Adimante : la corruption du naturel philosophe" shows how he himself can be corrupted in a city described as sick. What is at stake for Plato, in both cases, is to deconstruct the association between philosophy and corruption in order to firmly establish his new discipline. The third part, "Thucydide, historien de la corruption", seeks to identify the role of corruption in the city. It shows that, in the eyes of the historian, this idea is consubstantial with politics and especially with the Athenian democracy. Against this political corruption, historiography is constituted as an open space, free of the perils that the city is facing: the historian, like the philosopher and the physician, seeks to position himself as the true incorruptible.

Résumé : La corruption n’est pas simplement un thème, dont la prégnance plus grande à l’époque de la guerre du Péloponnèse indiquerait un souci contemporain, antérieur et extérieur au fonctionnement des discours, elle est en outre une sorte de ferment discursif, dont le rôle dans la genèse de la tragédie, de la médecine, de la philosophie et de l’histoire en Grèce classique est significatif, voire essentiel. Pour ces quatre discours et leurs trois objets principaux — le corps, l’âme et la cité —, la corruption occupe une fonction séminale. La première partie de cette thèse, «La corruption au prisme de la tragédie et de la médecine», est dévolue au corps. La corruption y apparaît à la fois dans le méta-discours et dans le discours proprement dit, ce qui correspond à deux temps de notre analyse. Celle-ci se décline chaque fois sur un double cas de figure, soit pièces — les Trachiniennes et le Philoctète — soit problèmes médicaux — la maladie sacrée et l’avortement. Ce chapitre nous offre un premier angle sous lequel analyser la façon dont la corruption opère dans des discours en émergence, notamment par le brouillage et par le recours à la mise en spectacle. La seconde partie, consacrée à l’âme, comporte deux chapitres : le premier, «Socrate entaché : la corruption de la jeunesse», se penche sur la façon dont le philosophe peut corrompre autrui ; le second, «Le malaise d’Adimante : la corruption du naturel philosophe», sur la manière dont lui-même peut se corrompre dans une cité décrite comme malade. Il s’agit pour Platon dans les deux cas de déconstruire l’association de la philosophie et de la corruption afin d’établir fermement la discipline nouvelle. La troisième partie, «Thucydide, historien de la corruption», s’attache à dégager le rôle de la corruption dans la cité. On y voit que l’idée en est chez l’historien consubstantielle au domaine politique et plus particulièrement à la démocratie athénienne. Contre cette corruption politique, l’historiographie se constitue comme un espace dégagé des périls qui pèsent sur la cité : l’historien, comme le philosophe et le médecin, cherche à se poser comme le véritable incorruptible. Abstract: Corruption is not just a theme whose importance in the era of the Peloponnesian War indicates a contemporary anxiety, prior to and outside of the fuctioning of speech, it is also a kind of discursive ferment, whose role in the genesis of tragedy, medicine, philosophy and history in classical Greece is significant, even essential. For these four discourses and their three main objects (body, soul and city), corruption plays a seminal function. The first part of this dissertation, "La corruption au prisme de la tragédie et de la médecine", is devoted to the body. Corruption appears in both the meta-discourse and the discourse itself each of which we explore in turn. We analyse first two plays (the Trachiniae and the Philoctetes) and then two medical problems (the sacred disease and abortion or miscarriage). This chapter offers a first angle from which to analyze how corruption operates in the emerging discourses, especially through blurring categories and spectacularization. The second part, devoted to the soul, has two chapters: the first, "Socrate entaché : la corruption de la jeunesse" examines how the philosopher may corrupt others; the second "Le malaise d’Adimante : la corruption du naturel philosophe" shows how he himself can be corrupted in a city described as sick. What is at stake for Plato, in both cases, is to deconstruct the association between philosophy and corruption in order to firmly establish his new discipline. The third part, "Thucydide, historien de la corruption", seeks to identify the role of corruption in the city. It shows that, in the eyes of the historian, this idea is consubstantial with politics and especially with the Athenian democracy. Against this political corruption, historiography is constituted as an open space, free of the perils that the city is facing: the historian, like the philosopher and the physician, seeks to position himself as the true incorruptible.

This dissertation examines exile in Homeric epic and in particular the relationship between exile as a narrative motif and the thematic significance of exile in specific contexts. The Homeric exile motif is defined and found to include four stock elements involving the causes of exile, the role of compulsion in exile, the permanence of exile, and the possible outcomes of exile. The more thematic issues surrounding exile are also considered, especially in the light of ancient and modern theoretical discussions of exile. Three examples of exile in the Iliad and the Odyssey are then analyzed. In each case, close attention is paid to the way in which the exile narrative fits into the immediate context and is thematically relevant to it. The exile narrative delivered by Phoenix to Achilles in Iliad 9 is interpreted as an attempt to dissuade Achilles from carrying out his threat to abandon the expedition against Troy. More precisely, it is argued that Phoenix uses the parallels between his own exile and the situation facing Achilles to suggest that in abandoning the expedition Achilles would become something close to an exile himself, thereby compromising his heroic standing. It is argued that the ghost of the unburied Patroclus uses his exile narrative to Achilles in Iliad 23 to present his experience of death as a parallel to his experience of exile in life and does so in order to persuade Achilles to provide him with ‘hospitality’ in the form of burial, just as Achilles’ family provided Patroclus with hospitality as an exile. Finally, the false exile narrative delivered by Odysseus to Athena (disguised as a shepherd) in Odyssey 13 is interpreted as a reaction to Odysseus’ uncertainty as to whether or not he has reached Ithaca. It is argued that Odysseus uses his exile narrative to contrast the possibility that he is finally home with the possibility that he is still a nameless wanderer. The exile motif is found to be flexible enough to be adapted to the thematic requirements of the contexts in which these three exile narratives occur.

As a result of its association with marginalized groups, the genre of fable is sometimes presented as accurately reflecting the voice of the Other, although the fable has traditionally always been a vehicle for the elite to establish, explain and justify their positions. While the fable is increasingly associated with the Other from the 1st century CE, the genre is still appropriated by upper-class male authors as a means of defining their positions and constructing their own ideal political, social and literary worlds. This study will focus on the voicing of the Aesopic fable in the literature of the 1st-3rd centuries CE, primarily in authors and works that incorporate one clearly identifiable fable exemplum told at length in the text. Elite authors in this period used the fable as a means of communicating their views of behavioural expectations, not only by appropriating a genre that they have characterized as Other, but also by the voicing of fable through marginalized figures. This appropriation of the othered genre and voice allows for an exploration of boundaries that in the end will reaffirm the established order. The elite appropriation of fable as a means of social control over marginalized groups reflects an uneasiness about their own positions and the increasing social mobility beginning in the 1st century CE. This study of the appropriation of the othered genre will contribute to our understanding of how elite authors dealt with anxieties about potential and actual disruptions in their expectations of the socio-political reality.

As a result of its association with marginalized groups, the genre of fable is sometimes presented as accurately reflecting the voice of the Other, although the fable has traditionally always been a vehicle for the elite to establish, explain and justify their positions. While the fable is increasingly associated with the Other from the 1st century CE, the genre is still appropriated by upper-class male authors as a means of defining their positions and constructing their own ideal political, social and literary worlds. This study will focus on the voicing of the Aesopic fable in the literature of the 1st-3rd centuries CE, primarily in authors and works that incorporate one clearly identifiable fable exemplum told at length in the text. Elite authors in this period used the fable as a means of communicating their views of behavioural expectations, not only by appropriating a genre that they have characterized as Other, but also by the voicing of fable through marginalized figures. This appropriation of the othered genre and voice allows for an exploration of boundaries that in the end will reaffirm the established order. The elite appropriation of fable as a means of social control over marginalized groups reflects an uneasiness about their own positions and the increasing social mobility beginning in the 1st century CE. This study of the appropriation of the othered genre will contribute to our understanding of how elite authors dealt with anxieties about potential and actual disruptions in their expectations of the socio-political reality.

This dissertation examines the themes of geography and space in the poetry of the late antique Latin poet Prudentius (348-c.405 CE). The first chapter discusses the geography of reading, and suggests that Prudentius’ Peristephanon provides a means for the reader to experience the sites of the cults of the martyrs by reading about them rather than by having to travel to see them. It is also argued that the varying orders of the poems of the Peristephanon in the manuscript tradition can be explained by the differing interests of early readers, and that the arrangement extant in one group of manuscripts can be seen to be the result of organising the poems to fit a geographical itinerary. The second chapter investigates the intertextual aspect of literary journeys, and argues that late antique descriptions of journeys are as much indebted to the literary tradition as they are to “lived” experience on the part of the narrator. This chapter focuses in particular on Ausonius' Mosella, and the third, ninth, and eleventh hymns of Prudentius' Peristephanon. The third chapter discusses the representation of the city in the works of Prudentius, and shows how Prudentius’ approach to the civic nature of martyrdom in the Peristephanon must be related to the contemporary Christian perception that earthly civic obligations are not fundamentally incompatible with participation in the heavenly city of the afterlife. The fourth chapter examines the representation of pastoral spaces in the Liber Cathemerinon and the discussion of farming and religion in the Contra Orationem Symmachi. The final chapter addresses Prudentius' descriptions of works of art and architecture, particularly churches, and argues that Prudentius exhibits a marked preference for the word over the image as a means of conveying knowledge. A brief conclusion suggests that Prudentius’ representation of physical and imaginary spaces is always governed by a belief in the primacy of the written word, and by a fundamentally bookish approach to the world.

This dissertation examines the themes of geography and space in the poetry of the late antique Latin poet Prudentius (348-c.405 CE). The first chapter discusses the geography of reading, and suggests that Prudentius’ Peristephanon provides a means for the reader to experience the sites of the cults of the martyrs by reading about them rather than by having to travel to see them. It is also argued that the varying orders of the poems of the Peristephanon in the manuscript tradition can be explained by the differing interests of early readers, and that the arrangement extant in one group of manuscripts can be seen to be the result of organising the poems to fit a geographical itinerary. The second chapter investigates the intertextual aspect of literary journeys, and argues that late antique descriptions of journeys are as much indebted to the literary tradition as they are to “lived” experience on the part of the narrator. This chapter focuses in particular on Ausonius' Mosella, and the third, ninth, and eleventh hymns of Prudentius' Peristephanon. The third chapter discusses the representation of the city in the works of Prudentius, and shows how Prudentius’ approach to the civic nature of martyrdom in the Peristephanon must be related to the contemporary Christian perception that earthly civic obligations are not fundamentally incompatible with participation in the heavenly city of the afterlife. The fourth chapter examines the representation of pastoral spaces in the Liber Cathemerinon and the discussion of farming and religion in the Contra Orationem Symmachi. The final chapter addresses Prudentius' descriptions of works of art and architecture, particularly churches, and argues that Prudentius exhibits a marked preference for the word over the image as a means of conveying knowledge. A brief conclusion suggests that Prudentius’ representation of physical and imaginary spaces is always governed by a belief in the primacy of the written word, and by a fundamentally bookish approach to the world.

This dissertation analyzes Old Comedy’s generic interaction with its primary performative rivals of the fifth century, tragedy and satyr play. While previous scholarship on this subject is concerned almost exclusively with paratragedy, I examine issues such as Old Comedy’s engagement with satyr play and the frequently unacknowledged evidence for generic interaction in the comic iconography of Attic and South Italian vase-painting. Chapter One analyzes the earliest known intergeneric, comic experiment for which any considerable evidence survives, Cratinus’ fragmentary (and parasatyric) Dionysalexandros. Chapter Two departs briefly from textual evidence and examines the visual record for strategies of intergeneric engagement in the comic iconography of Attic and South Italian vase-painting. Chapter Three signals the beginning of the study’s play-based core and examines the best surviving evidence for cross-generic play in three productions of the Aristophanic corpus. This chapter’s study of Peace (421 BCE) is followed by chapters on Thesmophoriazusae (411 BCE) and Frogs (405 BCE), respectively. My approach, which considers both verbal and visual evidence for comic appropriation, allows for a more comprehensive understanding of the parody of tragedy and satyr play by comic playwrights, whose aggressive adaptation of performative rivals can be seen as central to an ongoing project of defining comedy as an essential polis institution in the latter half of the fifth century.

This dissertation analyzes Old Comedy’s generic interaction with its primary performative rivals of the fifth century, tragedy and satyr play. While previous scholarship on this subject is concerned almost exclusively with paratragedy, I examine issues such as Old Comedy’s engagement with satyr play and the frequently unacknowledged evidence for generic interaction in the comic iconography of Attic and South Italian vase-painting. Chapter One analyzes the earliest known intergeneric, comic experiment for which any considerable evidence survives, Cratinus’ fragmentary (and parasatyric) Dionysalexandros. Chapter Two departs briefly from textual evidence and examines the visual record for strategies of intergeneric engagement in the comic iconography of Attic and South Italian vase-painting. Chapter Three signals the beginning of the study’s play-based core and examines the best surviving evidence for cross-generic play in three productions of the Aristophanic corpus. This chapter’s study of Peace (421 BCE) is followed by chapters on Thesmophoriazusae (411 BCE) and Frogs (405 BCE), respectively. My approach, which considers both verbal and visual evidence for comic appropriation, allows for a more comprehensive understanding of the parody of tragedy and satyr play by comic playwrights, whose aggressive adaptation of performative rivals can be seen as central to an ongoing project of defining comedy as an essential polis institution in the latter half of the fifth century.