This paper is an attempt to research a hypothesis concerning the policy formation processes of an open and of a closed political system. The paper opens with a discussion of the theoretical roots of the project. Particular attention has been paid to J.N. Rosenau's pre-theory of comparative foreign policy, and works by authors such as R.B. Farrell, Raymond Aron, and Alexis de Tocqueville on the differences between open and closed political systems. The hypothesis we tested was derived from the writings of R.B. Farrell. It reads: In a closed polity bureaucrats are less likely to provide information contradicting the leadership's known positions than in an open polity. In the second chapter the method of study, the case study, is introduced and discussed. Great Britain and Germany just prior to the First World War were chosen as examples of an open and a closed system. Their suitability as cases for this research project is critically analysed. Data on size, wealth, and political accountability are presented. In the third chapter four leaders are identified and their policy preferences outlined. The four are Edward Grey in Great Britain, Emperor William II, Chancellor von Bethmann- Hollweg, and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs von Jagow in Germany. The fourth chapter discusses the kinds of messages which were being sent to these various leaders. We expected that in the case of Germany the content of these messages would be less contradictory of the positions of the above-mentioned German leaders than in the case of Britain and Sir Edward Grey. The conclusion of the study is that in the particular eases of pre-War Britain and Germany the hypothesis is not supported. In the final chapter explanations of why this might be so are suggested, two new hypotheses are formulated, and the findings are related briefly to the theory from which the paper originated. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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The old tories were the most enduring group within the British Conservative parliamentary party between the two world wars: by taste, habit and convictions, independents in parliamentary traditions, yet loyal Conservatives in politics. They led the successful Conservative revolt against the coalition with Lloyd-George. In 1930 they tried to overthrow Stanley Baldwin, and opposed his disarmament policy and Imperial policy, especially in India, together with Winston Churchill. They pressed for Imperial consolidation through tariffs and Imperial Preference, wished to rearm Britain early, support France and the 'Stresa Front' to contain Germany, and exclude Russia from Europe. Events led these 'die-hard' perennial rebels to become the chief defenders of Neville Chamberlain's foreign policy as being closest to their own, though unfortunately late. Always independent, they forbade colonial cessions to Hitler, opposed alliance with Russia in 1939, supported total war against nazi Germany, and had an important and ironic part in Chamberlain's fall.