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This dissertation examines how Latin American diplomacy helped shape U.S. officials’ response to revolutionary movements at the height of the Cold War. It explains the striking contrast between U.S. patronage of the Bolivian revolution and the profound antagonism with similar leftist nationalist movements in Cuba and Guatemala. Although U.S. policymakers worried that “Communists” were infiltrating the Bolivian Government, Bolivian diplomats convinced the Eisenhower administration to support their revolution. The dissertation demonstrates that even during the peak of McCarthyism, U.S. policymakers' vision extended far beyond Cold War dogmatism. This vision incorporated a subtle, if ultimately contradictory, appreciation of the power of nationalism, a wish to promote developmental liberalism, and a desire for hemispheric hegemony regardless of strategic and ideological competition with the Soviet Union. U.S. officials were eager to exploit the emerging force of third world nationalism and employ it to strengthen the “inter-American system.” The Bolivian revolutionaries presented their political project as copacetic to Washington’s wider regional goals, and thus managed to secure considerable freedom of movement to continue to pursue a radical revolutionary agenda and statist program of development, financed and enabled by hundreds of millions in U.S. aid dollars.

With the Second World War, the U.S. defense establishment attained a scale and permanence it never had before. The new strategic blueprint of the Cold War dictated constant readiness for military confrontation, but it was also clear that the country could not keep up wartime levels of total economic mobilization. Faced with the problem of managing this military behemoth, leaders in the defense bureaucracy looked to private industry for expertise to help them run the emerging national security state. The result was a remaking of defense administration in the image of the post-war corporation. This dissertation explains how and why reformers placed their faith in models of business enterprise, an approach that was neither self-evident nor readily accepted across the military leadership. In the decades after World War II, the reorganization of the defense bureaucracy around values of efficiency and productivity shaped U.S. military operations and affected millions of people around the world. In concrete terms, this dissertation tracks how managerial science changed the ways the military kept accounts, disciplined labor, trained officers, and handled government assets. Interest in improving military management exploded after 1950. In the realm of budgeting and finance, reformers set up transactions between units to imitate buyer-seller relationships, requiring officers to express their needs for supplies and labor in dollar terms. Drawing analogies between military and private industry, defense establishment reformers embraced methods like Taylorist work measurement, which they used to control work ranging from filing to the production of massive weapons systems. Borrowing directly from Harvard Business School’s Advanced Management Program, defense leaders established schools to train high-ranking military officers in the latest trends of business management. While these business-inspired reforms gained traction in many parts of the military bureaucracy, they were not accepted without controversy. After the Vietnam War, many military leaders questioned the dominance of “managerialism” and denounced it in favor of traditional concepts of command and leadership. By the 1970s, however, the language and values of management had become thoroughly embedded in the institutional structure of the military. I argue that the reorganization of the defense bureaucracy in the image of the profit-seeking firm changed the experience of work in the military, redefined what it meant to be an officer, and facilitated the privatization of many of the defense establishment’s functions. Further, I aim to show that understanding how the military governed and produced can reframe key historiographic debates about 20th century American political economy.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the international political events and commentary presented in five comic strips from 1940 to 1970. The investigation focused on the narratives, individual episodes and characterizations presented in the strips. The research was taken from approximately 51,000 strips over the thirty year period. Four of the strips used in the study covered the entire period, and included: Li'l Abner - Al Capp, Little Orphan Annie - Harold Gray, Smilin' Jack - Zack Mosley, and Terr and the Pirates - Milton Caniff (1940-47) and George Wunder (1947-1970). One strip, Pogo, drawn by Walt Kelly, was available only from 1950-70.The three decade period was utilized in order to study a sufficient number of strips so the cartoonists' ideas and attitudes could be understood. The time period selected was a volatile period in international affairs in which the United States played a major role. The investigation concentrates on two major areas of international politics: World War II and the cold war era. The study reveals that the cartoonists in portraying these two major found events used their medium not only for entertainment but to support the United States in its international activities.In addition they used international political affairs and events as sources of information to draw action stories and make political statements. In this vein, World War II offered a great opportunity for the cartoonists. The narratives presented in the strips offered constant reminders of the war in Europe and Asia, and engendered American support for the war effort. The authors pushed American values and democratic principles while formulating a negative image of the Axis leaders and military. In this way, the cartoonists used their medium to propagandize their readers into full support for the war.During the cold war era, the cartoonists again in international affairs a rich source of information for their stories. The strips portrayed the intense rivalry of the cold war conflict initially focusing on the Soviet Union. Narratives were included which depicted the Soviet leaders negatively, especially Premier Nikita Khrushchev. The Russian people, Soviet life and Communism in general were also represented in the strips in a disreputable fashion. In addition, the vigorous competition of the arms and space races were depicted in the strips.The other major nation of the cold war, which the cartoonists characterized in their strips, was China. The authors wrote stories about the civil war in China and obviously supported the Nationalists. After the Nationalists were exiled to Formosa, the narratives focused on the People's Republic of China. The stories depicted the Chinese Communists' methods of governing and their leadership, especially Mao Tse-tung. The propaganda efforts of the Chinese Communists were frequently represented in the strips as well as the attempts to expand their influence in the Pacific area. In addition, the Sino-Soviet split was included, with the cartoonists' portraying the Chinese attempting to take over the leadership of the Communist world from the Soviets.The cartoonists also used their strips to convey information, ideas, and opinions about the third world areas of Vietnam, Latin America and the Middle East. With Vietnam, the stories centered on the war, while the authors represented the Vietcong and North Vietnamese as evil and detestable people. The influence of the Vietnamese war on the American political scene was also considered. In their narratives about Latin America, the cartoonists illustrated the area in terms of revolution, corruption and smuggling. Communism and Fidel Castro's Cuba were frequently used in the strips. Communism and oil were the two major themes the cartoonists used in the strips that dealt with the Middle East.This study presents a narrative of the strips with an analysis of the cartoonists' aims, objectives, and opinions. The work also contains an annotated bibliography.

The aim of this thesis is to map the impact of strategic thinking and logical empiricism on the metodology of sciences in the USA after the Second World War

Japan's foreign relations with the People's Republic of China have been one of the most important and controversial issues since Japan regained her independence in 1952. Geographical proximaty, historical ties that Japan has with China, and China being a major power with nuclear capability made it vitally important for Japan to keep a pipeline open with her, and the policy of separating economics from politics permitted trade relations with her. In this thesis I am chiefly interested in finding out why it was of utmost importance for Japan to adopt this principle of foreign policy toward Communist China. In the first section, the international situation and historical circumstances which eventually led Japan to adopt this policy will be explored. The second section will deal with the international significance and implications of this policy. In section three I should like to analyze how the actual negotiations on "trade" are used by both the Chinese leaders and the pro-Peking leaders in Japan as a means of changing Japan's policy toward China. An important aspect of this policy treated in the last section is the internal political impact in Japan. Finally, I should like to see how Korea will be affected by Japan's new relations with the People's Republic of China. The chief cause of adopting and pursuing the policy of separating economics from politics stemmed from international circumstances in which Japan found herself as a defeated nation after the Second World War. It was the nature of the San Francisco Peace Treaty, the timing of the signing, the attitude of Communist China and Japan's particular relation to the United States that made Japan recognize Nationalist China. Since neither Nationalist China nor Communist China would permit diplomatic ties with any country that recognized the other, it was not possible for Japan to recognize both regimes. Therefore, Japan maintained only economic relations with Communist China without any direct political contact. Sino-Japanese trade relations were based on the reality of both Communist China and Japan. From Japan's point of view it was a realistic approach to maximize economic opportunities and minimize political involvement until the right opportunity came for normalization. By adopting and practising the policy of separating economics from politics, Japan looked for larger commercial opportunities in the future and it also served as a pipeline between the two big countries in Asia. From China's viewpoint, it was an "accumulative" approach for the eventual normalization of relations with Japan. Trade was used as an instrument of political pressure and it reflected China's political aims. The volume of trade fluctuated and the techniques China used varied according to the political objectives. China appealed to a "broad political spectrum" in Japan through private agreements and exchange of unofficial private delegations. China threatened Japan with suspension of trade, and manipulated her with "friendly trade" and "memorandum trade". Since the agreement for the normalization of Sino-Japanese relations was signed on September 29, 1972 the controversial issue of "separating economics from politics" has become a story of the past. The admission of Communist China to the United Nations in 1971, Nixon's visit to China in February, 1972, and the eventual change of the policy of the United Nations gave Japan an opportunity to change her policy and recognize the People's Republic of China. With the normalization of Sino-Japanese relations, Korea must seek her role by pursuing "independent and positive" action. The talks between North and South for the eventual unification of Korea and the new constitution of South Korea which was adopted in 1972 reflect Korea's attempts to adjust herself to this role. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This study examines post-war social change in a Japanese farming community. Social change is defined as changes in the three sets of rules for social behaviour in a social system. Three sets of factors affected social change in rural Japan: (1) changes in the policies and programmes of the central government, (2) changes in the national economy, and (3) the adoption by farmers of new farm techniques. The central government has aimed at the industrialization of Japanese agriculture. Through its policies and programmes the government removed or modified obstacles to economic growth and provided conditions favourable to the growth of the farm economy. The Japanese economy has grown at a rapid rate. National economic growth together with governmental policies and the farmers' incentive to increase farm output has resulted in significant changes in rural Japan. For example, these factors have increased farmers' access to economic resources, absorbed rural young people into industrial centres, motivated farmers to mechanize farm practices thereby raising production costs, and made necessary an increase in household income. Farmers have adopted new farm techniques. Despite the exodus of youth from the rural areas, as farmers mechanize their practices they developed a surplus of labour. Farmers have diversified production activities by investing the surplus labour into non-farm operations, or into farm operations when competent change-agents existed. Their adoption of new farm techniques modified the old sets of rules for social behaviour, and social change took place in rural Japan. If the present trends continue, Japanese farming communities will look very different in the future. First, present suburban communities will disappear as "farming" communities. Second, the majority of present farming households will leave farming, and only a small number of larger farmers will remain in those communities in which the residents make no deliberate efforts to differentiate their farm operations. Third, a large number of farming households will remain farming in those communities in which the residents will differentiate farm operations; these communities will be small in number, but the community I studied will be one of them. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

Focusing on transborder travel narratives by two German authors and one Polish author, “Cold War Crossings” investigates how their writing responds to the postwar demarcation of separate Eastern and Western spheres of influences. Central to each of their oeuvres is the topos of the border broadly conceived, from the material, ideological, and psychic boundaries of the Iron Curtain to the Saussurean bar of the linguistic sign. By presenting border-crossing as an act of both political and aesthetic transgression, these writers advance uniquely literary alternatives to the rigid geopolitical divisions of their age. This dissertation analyzes the way in which each author’s poetics of the border informs, among other things, their manipulation of narrative structure, their unique employment of figurative language, and their shared proclivity for intertextuality, all of which address and reorient different kinds of textual boundaries. In this way, it is a contribution to the ever-expanding field of border studies and other scholarly investigations of the discursive production of mental maps. At the same time, however, the dissertation argues by way of its three case studies for a closer examination of the formal elements of literary texts that often go overlooked in such analyses. Conceived as an interdisciplinary and comparative study, “Cold War Crossings” seeks to overstep barriers between national literatures as well as disciplines by combining cultural studies, literary criticism, and historical analysis. Furthermore, the dissertation’s joint study of German and Polish literatures also contributes to recent debates on Europe as it counteracts traditional Eurocentric approaches that disregard Eastern Europe.

The thesis focuses on the reception history of Bernard Bolzano (1781- 1848) in the Czech intellectual culture of the 1945-1989 period. The aim of the thesis is not only to summarize existing studies of Bolzano's life and work or to study some of the partial themes related to Bolzano - but to discover basic features of Bolzano reception that can be found accross the different fields of Bolzano research and that are also connected to intellectual and political history background. The expected merit of the thesis can be considered from two different perspectives: In the context of intellectual history the reception of Bolzano is just a very partial theme, however it can expose some of more general features concerning Czech intellectual history of investigated period. From this point of view Bolzano is just a criterion of historical sources selection that enables to study very complex issue of the Czech intellectual history. In the context of Bolzano research this thesis is also a contribution to the better understanding of Bolzano's life and work. The thesis is pointing out themes which should be researched more thoroughly and, it is more important, it discovers the basic contexts of the potential further studies. Keywords: Bernard Bolzano (1781-1848), Czech history 1945-1989, Czech culture 1945-1989,...

This thesis is dealing with emigration from Czechoslovakia during the reign of Communistic party in 1948-1989. The aim of the thesis is to interpret phenomenon of the emigration and exile in historical context and to supplement it with testimonies of Czechoslovak émigrés in Denmark, which was not very usual aim of Czech emigration. Emigration is caused by different reasons during periods, which makes the fundamental difference between emigration and exile. The thesis is concerning on unique motives and causal links of the emigration of every single interviewee as well as particular process of emigration and its influence to their attitude to native Czechoslovakia.