OLIVEIRA, Elenilce Gomes. Políticas de estado e correlação de forças locais: hegemonia e contradição na expressão real das Instituições Federais de Educação Profissional. 2008. 232f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza-CE, 2008. / Submitted by Maria Josineide Góis (josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-06T13:40:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Tes_EGOliveira.pdf: 1107995 bytes, checksum: 3ab17ad94a0b208ebf15a0bb3ac78efc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-09T11:40:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Tes_EGOliveira.pdf: 1107995 bytes, checksum: 3ab17ad94a0b208ebf15a0bb3ac78efc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-07-09T11:40:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_Tes_EGOliveira.pdf: 1107995 bytes, checksum: 3ab17ad94a0b208ebf15a0bb3ac78efc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / This project is about the changes in the Brazilian professional education, related to the pedagogical-curriculum organization, management and financing in the federal centers of technological education, above all in the period of 1996-2006. The purpose is to emphasize the politico-economical and social supremacy articulation − agglutinated to the ambit of the Brazilian State in the public professional education − analyzing how the federal educational institutions deal with these interests. The following up related to the politics implied in advancement and retrocession, leading to some questions: How do the politico-economical and social interests agglutinated to the ambit of the Brazilian State spread into public professional education? How do the federal educational institutions deal with these interests? It has been assumed in this the theoric-referential “gramsciano” based above all in the categories amplified state, passive revolution supremacy and ideology. A federal public institution of professional education has been approached, where twenty-two people – teachers and civil servants, were interviewed in order to find out how the people deal with the changes. It has been pointed out the claim of the dominated trying to decrease the conflicts and contradictions that are part of the base in the irregular structure of the capitalistic society. Considering the context where the politics to professional education and its interface with the international members occur, which means the rejection to the national-developmental state, the conjugation of the neo-liberalism and third path. The plans and the programs in the federal context have been examined and finally how these politics are retained in the schooling ambit and in the end has been analyzed out in one hand the political society use of he legislation where the state drives to a passive educational revolution, and in the other hand the building of the consensus of the civil society, resulting in creating favor or against changes to the employees, that are connected and influence by themselves, according to the correlation of the social power. / Esta tese trata das mudanças na educação profissional brasileira, no que concerne à organização curricular-pedagógica, gestão e financiamento nos centros federais de educação tecnológica, sobretudo no período 1996-2006. O objetivo é o de evidenciar as articulações político-econômicas e sociais hegemônicas – aglutinadas no âmbito do Estado brasileiro, na educação profissional pública – analisando como as instituições federais de educação profissional lidam com esses interesses. O acompanhamento dos embates em torno das políticas implicou retrocessos e avanços, suscitando as seguintes indagações: De que modo os interesses político-econômicos e sociais hegemônicos, aglutinados no âmbito do Estado brasileiro, se espraiam na educação profissional pública? Como as instituições federais de educação profissional lidam com esses interesses? Na análise, assumiu-se o referencial teórico gramsciano, com base, sobretudo, nas categorias Estado ampliado, revolução passiva, hegemonia e ideologia. Abordou-se uma instituição pública federal de educação profissional, onde vinte e dois sujeitos – professores e servidores administrativos – foram entrevistados, visando a identificar como os sujeitos lidam com essas mudanças. Apontou-se a incorporação das reivindicações dos dominados, de modo a atenuar os conflitos e contradições que estão na base da estrutura desigual da sociedade capitalista. Considerou-se o contexto onde ocorrem as políticas para educação profissional e sua interface com os organismos internacionais, ou seja, a rejeição ao Estado nacional desenvolvimentista e conjugação do neoliberalismo e “terceira via”; foram analisados os planos e programas do âmbito da esfera federal e, por fim, buscou-se examinar como essas políticas são apreendidas no âmbito escolar; e, por fim, sinalizou-se, de um lado, o uso da legislação por parte da sociedade política, em que o Estado conduz a revolução passiva educacional e, de outro, a construção do consenso no âmbito da sociedade civil, resultando em que essas modificações – sejam favoráveis ou desfavoráveis aos trabalhadores – se relacionam e se alteram, sob o pêndulo da correlação de forças sociais.

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Centro de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento Sustentável, 2012. / Submitted by Alaíde Gonçalves dos Santos (alaide@unb.br) on 2012-11-20T12:30:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012_LucimarBatistadeAlmeida.pdf: 4097171 bytes, checksum: 805243d91dfaae69e7af26738b9acdeb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Guimaraes Jacqueline(jacqueline.guimaraes@bce.unb.br) on 2012-11-28T12:04:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012_LucimarBatistadeAlmeida.pdf: 4097171 bytes, checksum: 805243d91dfaae69e7af26738b9acdeb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-11-28T12:04:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012_LucimarBatistadeAlmeida.pdf: 4097171 bytes, checksum: 805243d91dfaae69e7af26738b9acdeb (MD5) / A competitividade de qualquer nação depende de sua capacidade de produzir e utilizar novos conhecimentos. Isso só ocorre quando o país possui capacitação em algumas áreas estratégicas para gerar vantagens competitivas de base tecnológica que possam transformar esse conhecimento em riqueza. O Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) e a Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (Capes) vêm assumindo um importante papel nesse sentido. Ambas as agências do governo federal têm contribuído para a capacitação e formação de recursos humanos do mais alto nível, ampliando o número de mestres e doutores em diferentes áreas do conhecimento e fortalecendo o Sistema de Pesquisa e de Pós-Graduação do País. São as responsáveis diretas pelo significativo patamar alcançado pela comunidade científica, em termos de formação de recursos humanos e desenvolvimento de pesquisa, reconhecidas tanto no cenário nacional como internacional. A presente tese visa mapear, via cruzamento de dados da Plataforma Lattes do CNPq, os ex-bolsistas de doutorado no País, nas áreas de Engenharias e Ciência da Computação, de ambas as agências federais que efetivamente concluíram o doutorado no período de 1996 a 2006, identificando a participação destes na consolidação da base científico-tecnológica do País. No primeiro momento, traça-se a trajetória dessas agências de fomento e a importância de ambas para a consolidação da pesquisa e da pós-graduação no País. Paralelamente, são descritos os diferentes planos governamentais brasileiros, formulados para apoiar a formação de recursos humanos qualificados e assegurar a autossuficiência nacional, com ênfase nas ações de fomento do CNPq e da Capes nas áreas em estudo. Em seguida, são apresentadas algumas considerações sobre a estrutura da geração do conhecimento, os novos modelos de organização para a produção científica e a importância da universidade nesse contexto. Merece destaque a análise dos indicadores dos dispêndios em P&D do Brasil, em comparação com outros países, tendo como foco as Engenharias. A pesquisa propriamente dita concentra-se no mapeamento dos ex-bolsistas de doutorado do CNPq e Capes no País, no período de 1996 a 2006, nas áreas em estudo. Busca-se traçar perfil destes bolsistas, por meio do cruzamento de informações constantes na Plataforma Lattes. As conclusões do estudo apontam para o fato de que os ex-bolsistas de doutorado do CNPq e da Capes, nas áreas estudadas, encontram-se, em sua maioria, na docência. Alertam ainda para a necessidade de se elaborar um programa integrado, e de longo prazo, com várias instâncias do governo para responder à demanda, principalmente de engenheiros, em áreas estratégicas para o desenvolvimento tecnológico do País. _______________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / The competitiveness of any nation depends on its ability to produce and use new knowledge. This only occurs when the country has capacity building in some strategic areas to generate competitive advantages based on technology that can turn this knowledge into wealth. The National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) and the Coordination of Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (Capes) have assumed an important role in this regard. Both federal government agencies have contributed to training and development of human resources at the highest level, increasing the number of masters and doctors in different areas of knowledge and strengthening the research system and graduate studies in the country. They are responsible for the significant level reached by the scientific community, in terms of capacity building and development of research, recognized both in national scenario and abroad. This thesis aims to map, through cross-checking data of CNPq's Lattes Platform, former doctoral fellows in the country in the areas of Engineering and Computer Science, from both federal agencies, which effectively completed the doctorate in the period 1996 to 2006, identifying their participation in the consolidation of scientific and technological base of the country. At first, it is shown the trajectory of these development agencies and the importance of both for the consolidation of research and graduate education in the country. In addition, there is a description of the different Brazilian government plans formulated to support the training of qualified human resources and to ensure self-sufficiency, with emphasis on the development actions of the CNPq and Capes in the areas under study. Then some considerations are pointed out concerning the background of knowledge generation, the organizational models for the scientific production, the role of the university in this context. A comparative analysis of indicators of expenditure on R & D in Brazil with other countries is also considered, focusing on engineering. The research itself focuses on the mapping of ex-doctoral fellows from CNPq and Capes in the country, from 1996 to 2006, regarding the areas of study. The aim is to define the profile of these fellows through the intersection of information contained in the Platform Lattes. The findings point to the fact that ex-doctoral fellows from CNPq and Capes in these areas are mostly in teaching. It is noted the need to develop an integrated and long-term program with multiple government instances to respond the demand, mainly engineers, in strategic areas for technological development in the country. _______________________________________________________________________________________ RESUMEN / La competitividad de una nación depende de su capacidad para producir y utilizar nuevos conocimientos. Esto ocurre solamente cuando el país tiene formación en áreas estratégicas para generar ventajas competitivas de base tecnológica que puedan convertir este conocimiento en riqueza. El Consejo Nacional de Desarrollo Científico y Tecnológico (CNPq) y la Coordinación de Perfeccionamiento de Personal de Nivel Superior (Capes) han asumido un pape! importante en este sentido. Ambas agendas del gobierno federal han contribuido a la formación y el desarrollo de los recursos humanos al mas alto nivel, aumentando el número de maestros y doctores en diferentes areas del conocimiento y fortaleciendo el Sistema de Investigation y Estudios de Postgrado del pais. Son directamente responsables por el importante nivel alcanzado por la comunidad cientifica, en términos de formación de recursos humanos y del desarrollo de la investigación, reconocido en el escenario nacional e international. Esta tesis consiste en preparar, a traves del análisis de los datos de la Plataforma Lattes del CNPq, el mapa de fos ex becarios de doctorado en el pais, de ambas las agencias federales, en Ingenieria y Ciencias de la Computación, que efectivamente llegaron a la conclusión de sus estudios de doctorado en el periodo 1996 a 2006, identificando su participation en la consolidation de la base cientifica y tecnologica del pais. En primer lugar, se traza la trayectoria de estos organismos de financiación y la importancia de ambos para la consolidation de la investigation y de los estudios de postgrado en el país. Ademas, se describen los distintos planes del gobierno brasileho, formulados para apoyar la formation de recursos humanos calificados y garantizar la autosuficiencia nacional, con enfasis en el desarrollo de las acciones del CNPq y de la Capes en ei area del conocimiento en estudio. A continuación, se presentan algunas consideraciones acerca de la estructura de la generation del conocimiento, los nuevos modelos de organization para la production cientifica y la importancia de la universidad en este contexto. Es de destacar el analisis de los indicadores de gasto en I & D en Brasil, en comparacion con otros paises, centrandose en la ingenieria. La misma investigation se centra en la ubicacion de los ex becarios de doctorado del CNPq y de la Capes en el Pais, en el periodo de 1996 a 2006, en el area del conocimiento en estudio. El objetivo es definir el perfil de estos becarios, a traves de ia intersection de la información contenida en la Plataforma Lattes. Los resultados apuntan al hecho de que los ex-becarios de doctorado del CNPq y de la Capes en el area estudiada, estan, en su mayoria, en la ensenanza. Tambien alertan sobre la necesidad de que se desarrolle un sistema integrado y de largo plazo, con distintos niveles de gobierno, para responder a la demanda, en su mayoria de ingenieros, en áreas estratégicas para el desarrollo tecnológico en el país. _______________________________________________________________________________________ RÉSUMÉ / La compétitivité de toute nation dépend de sa capacité a produire et à utiliser des nouvelles connaissances. Cela n'arrive que lorsque le pays est suffisamment qualifié dans certains domaines strategiques pour créer des avantages technologiques compétitifs capables de transformer cette connaissance en richesse. Le Conseil National de Développement Scientifique et Technoiogique (CNPq) et la Coordination de Perfectionnement du Personnel de Niveau d'Études Superieures (Capes) jouent un rôle de plus en plus important dans ce sens. Ces deux agences du gouvernement federal ont contribue a la qualification professionnelle et à la formation de ressources humaines du plus haut niveau, en garantissant un nombre croissant de masters et theses de doctorats dans differents domaines de la connaissance, renforcant ainsi le Système de Recherche en deuxieme et troisieme cycles. Ces diplômés sont les responsables directs du haut niveau qualitatif, reconnu nationalement et internationalement, atteint par la communaute scientifique en matiere de formation en ressources humaines et developpement de la recherche. Cette these vise a identifier, par le croisement des donnees de la Plateforme Lattes du CNPq, les anciens boursiers en doctorat d'lngenierie et de Science Informatique des deux agences federales du Brésil, ayant effectivement conclu leur doctorat entre 1996 et 2006, constatant ainsi leur participation a la consolidation de la base scientifico-technologique du pays. Dans un premier moment, nous allons definir la trajectoire de ces agences de promotion et leur importance pour la consolidation de la recherche et des etudes de deuxieme et troisieme cycles au Brèsil. Parallelement, nous decrirons les differents plans gouvernementaux bresiliens formules pour encourager la formation de ressources humaines qualifiees et assurer I'autosuffisance nationale, mettant I'accent sur les actions de promotion du CNPq et de la Capes dans les domaines traites par cette etude. Ensuite, nous apporterons quelques considerations sur la structure de creation de la connaissance, les nouveaux modeles d'organisation pour la production scientifique et I'importance de I'Université dans ce contexte. Nous mettons en exergue I'analyse des indicateurs des depenses en recherche et en developpement au Bresil, ciblee sur les Ingenieries, en les comparant avec d'autres pays. La recherche proprement dite se concentre sur l'identification des anciens boursiers en doctorat du CNPq et de la Capes au Brèsil, pour la periode allant de 1996 a 2006, dans les domaines etudies. L'objectif est de tracer le profil de ces boursiers par le croisement entre les informations presentes dans la Plateforme Lattes. Les conclusions de cette etude nous signalent que les anciens boursiers de doctorat du CNPq et de la Capes, dans les domaines etudies, se trouvent pour la plupart dans I'enseignement. Elles nous avertissent aussi du besoin d'elaborer un programme integre et de iongue durée, en collaboration avec les différents secteurs du gouvernement, pour répondre surtout à la demande des ingenieurs, dans des domaines stratégiques pour le développement technoiogique du pays.

Despite widespread depiction of civil war as a pathway to autocracy or state failure, the empirical record shows significant variation in post-civil war states' regime trajectories. While some states settled into durable authoritarianism, others went on to enter the ranks of electoral democracies shortly after belligerents laid down their arms. What explains this variation? In the extreme, how is it that a state that is staunchly autocratic at the war's outbreak can emerge from it a nascent democracy? This study proposes that post-civil war regime outcomes have wartime origins. Differences in the nature of rebel governance of civilians generate different social and institutional legacies across civil wars. These legacies can endure into peacetime politics, affecting the latter in often unintended ways. The theory centers on two wartime transformations that result from different forms of rebel governance. First, where rebels depend heavily on civilian material support, civilians become mobilized as a political force. Widespread social mobilization can in turn create political pressures on postwar elites to respond with a democratization strategy. Second, where rebel groups engage in extensive wartime "statebuilding," they create formal and informal institutions of governance which they can carry over into postwar politics should they prevail in the war. Because institutions are sticky, how they govern civilians in times of war can affect how they will govern in times of peace. These arguments are tested using both quantitative and qualitative methods. An original cross-national dataset on rebel governance for all civil wars ending between 1950 and 2006 serves as the basis, first, for a novel empirical analysis of rebel governance in civil war, then for statistical tests of the theory. To further probe the theory's causal claims, the study engages in an in-depth analysis of the Nepalese civil war and its political aftermath based on field interviews. The theory is further tested in a comparative analysis of the Ugandan, Tajik, and Mozambican civil wars. Together, empirical findings show that rebel governance in civil war can catalyze significant social and political change, with enduring impacts on postwar political regimes. The study offers theoretical and practical implications for our understanding of, and response to, the politics of violent rebellion and its effects on regime development.

Cette thèse de science politique étudie les recompositions symbolico-cognitives de la politique à la télévision en France depuis une dizaine d'années, à travers une analyse de son traitement dans les médias télévisuels. Dans les années 1990, s'est en effet progressivement établi un réaménagement des formes télévisuelles de (re)présentation de la politique, qui s'est traduit par cette interrogation : « fait-on encore de la politique à la télévision ? » Pour répondre à cette question, le travail de recherche, à la fois empirique et théorique, examine une grande variété de formats télévisuels dans lesquels la politique est convoquée, principalement les « journaux télévisés » (ch.1), ainsi que les « magazines d'information » et les « émissions politiques » (ch. 2). En s'interrogeant sur la qualité politique de l'actuelle « politique télévisée », il propose au final, des outils d'analyse et une approche renouvelée de « l'information politique » à la télévision (ch. 3). Une démarche qui s'impose si l'on souhaite comprendre dans quelle mesure et comment aujourd'hui, les médias télévisuels portent un « regard politique » sur la réalité dont ils ont vocation à rendre compte.

The proliferation of intrastate armed conflicts has been one of the significant threats to global peace, security, and governance. Such conflicts may trigger resource exploitation, environmental degradation, human rights violations, human and drug trafficking, and terrorism. Women may suffer disproportionately from armed conflicts due to their unequal social status. While they endure the same effects of the conflict as the rest of the population, they also become targets of gender-based violence. However, women can also be active agents of armed conflict and perpetrate violence. Therefore, political and scientific communities at the national and international levels are now increasingly interested in developing a better understanding of the role of women in, and effect on them from, armed conflict. A better understanding of the roles of women in conflict would help to prevent conflicts and promote peace. Following in-depth interviews with civil society members who witnessed the decade-long armed conflict between Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) and the Government of Nepal (GoN) (1996-2006) and thereafter the peacebuildng process, I assess the political and economic agency of women particularly in terms of their role in, and impact on them from, the armed conflict and peacebuilding processes. My research revealed that a large number of women, particularly those from rural areas, members of socially oppressed groups, poor and productive age (i.e., 14 - 45 years) - participated in the armed conflict as combatants, political cadres, motivators, and members of the cultural troupe in CPN-M, despite deeply entrenched patriarchal values in Nepali society. The GoN also recruited women in combatant roles who took part in the armed conflict. Women joined the armed conflict voluntarily, involuntarily, or as a survival strategy. Women who did not participate directly in the armed conflict were affected in many different ways. They were required to perform multiple tasks and unconventional roles at both household and community levels, particularly due to the absence or shortage of men in rural areas as they were killed, disappeared, or displaced. At the household level, women performed the role of household head- both politically and economically. However, in most cases the economic agency of women was negatively affected. At the community level, women's role as peacebuilders, members of community based organizations and civil society organizations either increased or decreased depending on the situation. Despite active participation of women in formal and informal peacebuilding processes at different levels, they were excluded from most of the high level formal peace processes. However, they were able to address some of the women's issues (e.g., access to parental property, inclusion in the state governance mechanism) at the constitutional level. The armed conflict changed gender relations to some extent, and some women acquired new status, skills and power by assuming new responsibilities. However, these changes were gained at the cost of grave violations of human rights and gender-based violence committed by the warring sides. Also, the gains made by women were short-lived and their situation often returned to status quo in the post-conflict period.