The site for this seminary is located within the northwest quadrant of the District of Columbia. The site consists of a ridge approximately one hundred and ten feet in elevation bounded by Clark Street at its north western tip and a rocky promontory a quarter of a mile to the southeast. Along its southwestern edge lies Canal Road, the C&O Canal and the Potomac River. To the northeast lies upper Georgetown. My intention was to utilize the natural axis of the ridge to construct a clear line of demarcation between the secular world and the world of religious education and scholarship. It was clear from the beginning that the site had to be developed in accordance with the natural orientation and steep topography of the ridge. The clearest means of access to the site exists to the north east along an abandoned rail bed that intersects Fox hall Road. The new road to be constructed within this depression constitutes the first in a series of moves to create a datum line between the natural setting of the seminary and the urban fabric of Georgetown. Parallel to this road lies a continuous reflecting pool eight hundred feet in length. This second element of separation is broken only at the entry to the seminary. The third and final element of separation is an extended wall that defines both the natural orientation of the site and the linear structure of the seminary. From the northwest it extends over one thousand feet to the southeast. Like the reflecting pool, the datum wall is broken only at its single point of entry. The structure of the seminary can be viewed in its entirety from the southwest. It is a linear composition with a semi-circular terrace at its entry which forms an open air cloister. On either side stand the auditorium and lecture spaces, administrative facilities, library, refectory, seminarian cells, chapel, terrace and bell tower. / Master of Architecture

The topic of this thesis has been approached mainly in four fields of investigation. First it has been investigated, in which way theater developed through the ages to make some conclusion of what a theater of the 21st century will be determined, especially with its distinction from the cinema. What evolution has the theater experienced from the cart of Thespis to modern theater-machines? A second investigation has been conducted in the history of the site, being a place of human activity for more than 250 years. The third approach started from the question, what the links between architecture and theater, or in a more complex sense, between visual arts and performing arts are and how these forms of human creative work influence each other. Finally some reflections were made about the problem of building in a historical context. What determines historical architecture and how can buildings of our days relate to the conditions of these structures? / Master of Architecture

We are taught history abstractly as a time-line; sequentially. In reality, history presents itself as an accumulation of layers of happenings and occurrences. These layers are present in the built environment of the city as it is today. Similarly, the layers of culture are present in the daily rituals and language of the present. In the case of a train station, layers present themselves as layers of velocity. It is the place where pedestrians, automobiles and trains converge and individuals move between varying degrees of motion. The challenge in the built world today is to make a place for all layers of motion, but in a hierarchical fashion so that the individual (the pedestrian) is honored. If the pedestrian is relegated a place below machines which facilitate movement, then the city suffers. "In the narrow streets of the medieval town, persuasion is mainly through the sight and smell of real cakes in the window. On the commercial strip the supermarket windows contain no merchandise. [there are signs instead]" - Robert Venturi Learning from Las Vegas When the automobile is given the place of honor, the sign is more important than the experience. The speed at the motorist scale does not allow for any experience other than symbol or sign. This reduces the sensual experience of the individual's life and results in the collective loss of place and rootedness. Just as the individual's memory can be triggered by smells, sounds or textures, the city's memory is also made of these things. Americans seem to be constantly in search of roots. The majority of objects and places in American cities seems to cater to the motorist scale and for this reason there can be no roots. At best there is only a symbol for roots, like a coat of arms with no meaning. / Master of Architecture

This thesis is an attempt to reconcile the form of an idea with the form of a thing in this world to be experienced. An exploration of the meaning behind the words idea, form, making and experience begins to unite the intellect of an architect with the design of an architect. The terms are defined in the thesis and explained through the project. The thesis through the project sets out to take these terms beyond mere words and give them an opportunity to inform each other. It is this dialectic between idea, form, making and experience that I believe to be the heart of architecture. Idea and form are inextricably tied to one another. "Which is the origin of the other?" is not as pertinent a question as "how do the two inform each other?". Ideas change from project to project as do the forms inherent in those ideas. Proceeding both idea and material form is another type of form that is immaterial and often remains unseen. It is the character which is essential to a thing. Whether it be a place or an object, it is the quality in the thing itself. This character is the instigator of idea and form. It is the architect's goal to make this inherent form perceivable. An architect makes idea and form manifest through a concept of making. In Notes for a Theory of Making in a Time of Necessity, Giuseppe Zambonini emphasizes that "We must look not only at the quality of the material used and at the craft employed, but also at the quality of the thought process selecting and shaping the material. . .quality cannot be an intrinsic condition that belongs to the object . . . but rather it must express the intent by which it is created and therein the clarity and strength of the meaning being produced by its form" (Zambonini, 21). This quality of design can best be achieved the earlier making and materiality are involved in the design process. The questions of "what is the form of this idea?" and "how is this form to be made?" begin the relationship between idea, form and making. The immediate responses may be intuitive, but the final one is the result of numerous makings. This is why architecture is practiced. When the question arises:"how can this form not only embody an idea but be the idea?", the dialogue takes on a greater import. The way in which a thing will be experienced starts to inform its making. "It is the process that will engage both user and observer in an active, participating relationship with the work and thereby give the work its meaning" (Zambonini, 21). It is at this point that the dialectic is fully engaged. These four aspects simultaneously inform each other and nurture the project throughout its life, from drawing board, to construction to the various experiences that it will impart. It is not just one aspect, but these four in communion that are the architecture. / Master of Architecture

Middle school education emerged nationally during the late 1960’s and early 1970’s and was emphasized as a requirement for accreditation in the state of Virginia by 1986. This study examined the effect of school size on a set of indicators related to outcome variables from 6-8 configuration middle schools in the state of Virginia. Research suggests that the size of middle schools may be related to school effectiveness. Is there a difference between educational outcomes of small and large middle schools in the state which is related to size? The study examined seven measures of outcomes to determine if there is a significance difference in the indicators of school success which can be attributed to school size. The study focused on the following seven indicators: The percent of students in grades 6-8 who were absent 10 days or less from school, the percent of 8th grade students who took a foreign language prior to the 9th grade, the percent of minority 8th grade students who took a foreign language prior to the 9th grade, the percent of 8th grade students who took Algebra 1 or Algebra 1, Part 1 prior to the 9th grade, the percent of minority 8th grade students who took Algebra 1 or Algebra 1, Part 1 prior to the 9th grade, the percent of 8th grade students who took the Virginia State Assessment Program standardized tests whose composite scores were above the national 75th percentile, and the percent of 8th grade students who took the Virginia State Assessment Program standardized tests whose composite scores were above the national 50th percentile. Separate analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) tests were used for each indicator of educational outcome. A socioeconomic status index was used as a covariate in all of the tests. Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) software was utilized for all computations. The study produced evidence that small middie schools and large middle schools are not significantly different over a range of indicators. In six of the seven indicators compared, small schools were found to not have an advantage over large schools. A significant difference was found between small schools and large schools in the indicator of the percentage of minority 8th grade students taking Algebra 1, or Algebra 1 Part 1 prior to the 9th grade. / Ed. D.

Through a series of examinations of new and renovated buildings, interviews with architects, clients, and planners, and studies of design-related issues at a wide range of scales, the author seeks to develop a critical voice through which to contribute significantly to public and professional discussions of design across the nation. / Master of Architecture

The purpose for this study was to examine the process that one school staff used to solve a problem. This case study involved Albert Harris Elementary School in Martinsville, Virginia. This school serves all of the students in grades four through six throughout the city of Martinsville. A school improvement team was formed to implement the action research process. This problem-solving process was studied to determine the staff's perception of this procedure and whether it is an effective vehicle for bringing about change in the school. This is a qualitative research study that examines one school's problem-solving process. Data were collected from the participants through reflective journal entries and field notes maintained by the researcher. Members of the school improvement team represented all grade levels and departments within the school. They were introduced to the process through inservice training and received training to strengthen their group processing skills. Identifying the problem was phase one of the action research process. Morale was the problem that the staff selected to address. Collecting data on morale and burnout was phase two of the action research process. School improvement team members shared the information that was discovered during bi-weekly meetings. Team members reached a consensus on interventions to implement. These strategies were put into place and evaluated. There were several themes that emerged as data were analyzed. They included: empowering teachers, interacting with others, narrowing and focusing on one specific problem, involving the staff in the problem-solving process, gaining insight from a variety of sources, branching out into other areas, seeing immediate changes, taking too much time, and understanding that some things are beyond the control of the school improvement team. Data collected from all sources indicated action research is an effective process to use in solving problems and bringing about change in the school. One negative side effect identified in this study, was that using a small team to implement the action research process can create a feeling of isolation for those who do not serve on the team if they are not fully informed of the discussions of the group. / Ed. D.

A serious crisis stemming from a lack of quality programs, support, and clear direction currently faces secondary physical education throughout the United States. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to identify the components of an exemplary middle level physical education program and the issues facing the implementation of such a program. A three round modified Delphi questionnaire was employed to obtain consensus from a national panel of sixty experts in the fields of physical education, middle level education, and middle level physical education. The final analysis of data resulted in a consensus-based list of components of an exemplary middle level physical education program and the critical issues facing the implementation of such a program. With the identification of the important components and issues, perhaps a clear definition and direction for change will begin to emerge to help improve the lack of identity, poor conditions, and marginality that currently plague middle level physical education. / Ed. D.

Gluconobacter species rapidly perform limited oxidations of a large number of different polyhydroxy alcohols (polyols). These oxidations are catalyzed by constituitively synthesized plasma-membrane bound dehydrogenases. These bacteria would have to expend much energy to constituitively synthesize a separate substrate-specific dehydrogenase for each polyol substrate oxidized. Therefore, it is my hypothesis that Gluconobacter possess a single polyol dehydrogenase that oxidizes many different polyols. To test this hypothesis, a membrane-bound sorbitol dehydrogenase was isolated and tested for its ability to oxidize a wide range of substrates. This enzyme was removed from the membrane fractions with Triton X-100 and fractionated from other membrane proteins by anion and cation-exchange and hydrophobicinteraction chromatographies. This procedure resulted in a 36-fold enrichment of the enzyme and a 31% recovery. The isolated enzyme showed one protein band after non-denaturing polyacrylamide electrophoresis (PAGE) and three polypeptides after SDS-PAGE. Only the 67 kDa subunit had catalytic activity. The 46 kDa subunit was a C-type cytochrome. The isolated enzyme oxidized all 8 polyols tested, but did not oxidize mono-, di-, and cyclic-alcohols, aldehydes, carboxylic acids, or mono-, di-, and oligo-saccharides. Therefore, I propose that this enzyme is a polyol dehydrogenase (PDH). The isolated PDH complex showed optimal sorbitol oxidation from pH 5 to 6 at 40°C, and contained pyrroloquinoline quinone (PQQ) as its prosthetic group. Apo-PDH could be created by salt treatment and the holoenzyme reconstituted with authentic PQQ in the presence of two species of divalent cations. The c-type cytochrome of the PDH complex was not reduced by the substrate alone, but it was reduced by substrate if either CoQ₁ or the artificial electron acceptor methylphenazonium methosulfate (MPMS) were present. It is my hypothesis that, in vivo, the electrons removed from the substrate are passed from the PQQ prosthetic group of the catalytic subunit to CoQ₁₀ in the plasma membrane, and then to the electron transport chain via the cytochrome c subunit of the PDH complex. When the PDH complex is removed from the membranes with detergent, the CoQ₁₀ is likely disassociated from the enzyme, but can be replaced with MPMS when assayed with artificial electron acceptors. / Ph. D.

The legitimation of science as the most authoritative form of human knowledge is the result of complex literary and socio-political processes. In the course of the eighteenth century, lay people came to see science as an authority beyond criticism, whose norms are value-neutral, self-evident and absolute. The cultural status that science acquired continued for centuries and, even though it has been challenged in our times, it still is one of the main providers of meaning for social life. It is true that contemporary scholarship has taken important steps to deconstruct such views by pointing out the social and political roots of the modem ideal of certainty and decontextualization. However, questions still remain as to how this popular image of science was established to begin with. A common view, suggested by the traditional emphasis on scientific practitioners and intellectuals, is that scientific ideas diffused to lay publics and informed them of the newly discovered truths. People then responded to the challenge by adjusting their lives according to the logical implications of science. However, more careful analysis of the sources indicates that the appropriation of science by these audiences occurred in a much more complex and interesting way. A very common opinion at that early time was that "It is from Saxony that the light of science has spread through Germany and other countries." Leipzig was described as "the cradle of all arts and sciences," "the biggest journal-factory," "the Mecca of the European book- /overs," "the German Athens" (Diderot). This study explores the various forces that converged in the excitement and satisfaction of a public taste for and curiosity about scientific matters. Although it is bound to the Saxon area with special emphasis on Leipzig as a major center of Enlightenment, the results of this study are of more general significance for Mid- and Northern Germany. It provides an illustration of the ways in which supra-regional and international networks centering in the Saxon area operated. Local developments, even when strictly bound to local conditions, signaled the general directions of the Enlightenment movement in Germany as a whole. The processes that allowed science to transcend the boundaries of academies and universities were not merely "transmission" of ideas to essentially passive and receptive audiences. Complex dynamics contributed to the promotion of broader Enlightenment interests in German culture. In spite of universalist claims, philosophers and popularizers did not grant women, as the emblem of the uneducated, nor the people in general, access to the sanctuary of science. Rather, the popularization of science functioned as an effective means for preaching the Enlightenment gospel to an educated laity. It emerges from this study not as a way of reaching out to other underprivileged social groups, but as an effective means for producing unity between elite groups in German society. Popular science works are fragments in the composition of a new human and social ideal, in which science plays a crucial part. They are key building blocks in the construction of a learned worldview shaped by Enlightenment ideals, tensions, and contradictions. / Ph. D. / incomplete_metadata