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In the first half of the nineteenth century, approximately 10,000 Presbyterian Scotsmen emigrated to Cape Breton, Nova Scotia. Counting among these pioneers my own forefathers and having been nurtured in the spiritual traditions which they brought with them, I have for some time been anxious to inquire about their religious roots in Scotland. This interest has inspired me to undertake that research of which the following thesis is the product. The early settlers came, for the most part, from that area which we have chosen to call the northwest Highlands. In terms of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, this region fell within the bounds of four Presbyteries Lewis, Uist, Skye and Lochcarron which, along with Abertarff Presbytery, constituted the Synod of Glenelg. In geographical terms, the area comprehends the Outer Hebrides, Skye, Wester Ross, and the parishes of Glenelg and Small Isles. Since, in the last half of the emigration period, the pioneers came principally from Lewis and Harris, we have given slightly more attention to the Outer Hebrides than to the other districts of the northwest. One historic landmark conveniently begins the main period we have chosen to review and another conveniently closes it: the Battle of Culloden in 1746 and the Disruption of the. Church of Scotland in 1843. The former inaugurated an era of changed social and economic circumstances; the latter brought to an end a season of discontent in things ecclesiastical. Between these two events there lies an important and fascinating period in Highland church history. It has been our purpose to begin by pointing out the significant developments which took place before 1750 and to continue by describing the salient features of religious and ecclesiastical life which obtained in the northwest during the near century that separates Culloden from the Disruption. One hopes that what he has accomplished will enable some Nova Scotians of Scottish descent to acquaint themselves with the religious rock from which they have been hewn, and one also hopes that this thesis will serve to expand, if only in a modest degree, the field of knowledge about Scottish church history in general. There are a number of people to whom I wish to acknowledge my appreciation for their support in this undertaking. First of all, I am greatly indebted to Professor J. S. McEwen. He has helpfully supervised my research work, and has afforded me his time and attention in a most generous manner. Of immense value to me have been his suggestions respecting the cultivation of a clear and vigorous style of writing. I desire also to express my thankfulness to the following: to Dr. John Maclnnes and Dr. T. M. Murchison for directing me to useful source material; to Rev. G. V. R. Grant for giving me access to the Lochcarron Presbytery and Glenelg Synod records; to the staffs of King*s College Library, Aberdeen, and the Register House, Edinburgh, for courteously responding to my requests; and to Mrs. Betty Wilkens and Mrs. Margaret Handsford for proof-reading the final copy of the thesis. Others have assisted in equally important ways. I am grateful to the Board of Governors of Pine Hill Divinity Hall in Halifax, Nova Scotia, for providing that financial aid which, in a large measure, made this period of study possible, and to the Faculty of Pine Hill for their sustained interest and moral support. One is also mindful of those relatives and very kind friends in Canada who have demonstrated their affection and good-will in various ways during this time of physical separation. My deepest gratitude is reserved for my wife, Pamela, who shared this entire experience with me. With remarkable diligence she has typed the thesis in its several drafts, including the final one. Above all, her buoyant confidence that this project of research would be carried through to completion has encouraged me to achieve what I set out to do. Nor can I forget our children, Graeme and Heather, who, by their distracting light-heartedness, have brought me many moments of happy relief from the frustrations which inevitably arise in the course of one's labours.

This research into the early Korean Presbyterian Church is from a missiological perspective. Until recently it has been assumed that the formation of the early Korean Church was based on the Nevius Mission method, which was adopted as the mission method by foreign missionaries in Seoul in 1893. Although John Ross-the Scottish missionary to Manchuria-is mentioned in the history books, he is known for his work in translating the Bible into Korean. It is less well known that Ross started his mission to the Koreans in Manchuria when he visited the Korean Gate for the first time in 1874. This thesis argues that even before the first foreign missionaries arrived in Korea for mission, the first Korean Presbyterian churches were founded by the efforts of the indigenous evangelists, who had been influenced by John Ross and his mission method. Hence it will be argued that the mission method of Ross, rather than the Nevius Mission method, had the greater impact on the early Korean Church. The mission method of Ross and the Nevius Mission method were both based on the Three-Self principle. However, it will be argued that Ross possessed a more comprehensive understanding of the mission principle than Nevius did. Whereas Ross took a balanced approach in indigenising the Three-Self principle to the Manchurian mission field, Nevius' 'New System' was less so. Nevertheless, in accordance with the spirit of the Three-selfs (self-supporting, self propagating, self governing), the Korean Church could rapidly grow into a truly independent Church from the formation stage. Therefore, the Korean Church was founded in a way that produced long-term results; something that is not often found in the mission fields nowadays.

The following is an attempt to trace the spiritual awakening which affected the North-east of Scotland in the early nineteenth century. The implications of this awakening, and the Disruption which followed are investigated. The area involved in the study is that of the Synod of Aberdeen, but excluding the City of Aberdeen, which would be a fit subject of investigation on its own. Thus parts of three co-unties are included: Aberdeen, Banff and Kincardine. The expression 'North-east' has been selected because it is familiar and convenient. If we talk of 'the men of the North-east', we are not likely to be misunderstood, but 'the men of the Synod of Aberdeen', who are they The expression also allows a little latitude in occasionally glancing at places just over the border of the Synod, notably Strathbogie. Events took place there which markedly affected life within the Synod, for neither events ecclesiastical nor-national stop short at Synod boundaries.

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The thesis aims to show that the Western tradition has its own vibrant, rich, profoundly significant and enduringly relevant concept ofmystery which can best be seen to be present in the evolution of its liturgy and in associated intellectual culture in the first millennium CEo The significance of mysterium in western liturgical texts and theological writing of the second half of this period has been particularly neglected in liturgical and wider scholarship, and in the tendency to assume that the Christian East has the stronger theology of mystery, but it needs to be noticed and acknowledged for its intrinsic value and ifmodem issues in liturgical change and reconstruction are to be properly understood. In this recovery and its interpretation lies the overall originality of the thesis. Part I discusses modern approaches to mystery in the context of liturgy, highlighting and challenging some assumptions and misURderstandings that have arisen in, for example, the translation of liturgical texts. The value of the classic approaches of Baumstark and Casel is acknowledged; that of Casel is argued to be an insufficient response in itself to the importance of liturgical mystery. Three modern writers are deployed to show that mystery has a significance across disciplinary boundaries. There follow discussions of mystery as religious language, in relation to knowledge, revelation and visual art, drawing critically on and originally juxtaposing a diverse range of theological scholarship and literary geme in order to point to a common theme of what is here termed the 'moreness' of God, and the ultimate inability of language to fully describe or make known the initiative and activity of God, and to propose that, paradoxically, mystery is a necessary form of language used to indicate these very limitations. Liturgy is the supreme locus of mystery in these terms. Part II' embeds this argument first in a critical re-evaluation of the origins and background of mystery in its Greek (mysterion) and Latin (mysterium) forms and of scholarly opinion on these in late antique religious and early Christian contexts, including a fresh assessment of the notion that mystery language tended to be avoided in a sacramental context until about the fourth century CE because of its perceived associations with pagan mystery cults. The relationship between mysterium and sacramentum is then discussed and evaluated in the light of existing scholarship and new research which concentrates especially on those instances where the terms appear in the same sentence, in order to dispel the common and hitherto insufficiently challenged assumption that they . are synonymous. Their interplay shows mysterium itself to be a critically important and polyvalent term in emerging sacramental and liturgical discourse. The relatively few instances of mystery as a term in surviving early liturgical forms of eastern and western provenance are evaluated, and the original argument made that the wider use ofmystery language in the Latin tradition from the fourth century needs to be seen alongside the transition of liturgical formulae from the largely improvised to the fixed written text:. mysterium is the link, since it represents in textual terms the divine initiative assumed by the practice of improvisation. The continuing importance, richness and theological significance of the term is shown by a detailed analysis of its use in selected examples of the texts which emerged from this process. It is further shown to be a significant notion in an example of an intellectual context in which texts of this type were used, the Carolingian era and in its theological writers including the liturgist Alcuin and the allegorist Amalarius, in the Expositio Antiquae Liturgiae Gallicanae, in the debate surrounding Adoptionism, and in the so-called, but here argued to be misinterpreted, eucharistic 'controversy' between Ratrarnnus and Paschasius Radbertus. Carolingian responses to visual art lead to the original proposal that in this period text effectively functions much as art does in expressing 'moreness'. This has implications for liturgical text in the modern era and suggests a more creative approach to issues surrounding liturgical change. Mystery is the necessary language which lies at the centre of this approach.

The Diocese of Durham was in considerable need of vigorous pastoral and administrative effort in 1721. When William Talbot was translated from Salisbury to Durham, he brought with him much that was required, both in his own person and in those whom he preferred. Especially fortuitous, was his collation of Thomas Sharp to the Archdeaconry of Northumberland in 1723. Wholeheartedly attempting both the restoration of the fabric of those churches under his jurisdiction and the reformation of the spiritual life of the clergy and laity as well, Sharp laboured indefatigably for thirty-five years. Simultaneously, the Archdeaconry of Durham was suffering under the maladministration of George Sayer. There too, marry of the wealthiest livings in England were situated, which tended to draw clergy more interested in financial gain and ecclesiastical advancement than in sacrificial service. Edward Chandler succeeded Talbot in 1730, though he was not to oversee any significant improvement in the quality of diocesan life during his episcopate. Nor was Joseph Butler, for all his learning and reputation, able to do anything to alleviate the malaise he inherited in 1750, for he was dead within two years. Richard Trevor succeeded him in 1753, and at last we find some measure of the pastoral and administrative zeal so necessary in the diocese. Assisted by two exemplary archdeacons, Samuel Dickens and John Sharp, he brought significant consolidation and reform to his bishopric. Particularly was this so in Northumberland, where John Sharp's zeal and determination fell little short of his father's. Nevertheless, the social, cultural, economic, and religious changes affecting the country, especially the North East, were fast out-distancing the efforts being made in the diocese. By 1771, the disparity between the pastoral needs of the church and the provision made to fill them was widening.

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