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This thesis examines Christianization in the ecclesiastical province of Trier from 570-630, using both traditional and more recent theoretical approaches. It begins by examining the paradigms and limitations of current approaches both to the Merovingian Church and to the concepts of ‘paganism’ and ‘Christianization’. It then introduces the cognitive science of religion focusing in particular on Harvey Whitehouse’s postulation of ‘doctrinal’ and ‘imagistic’ ‘modes of religiosity’ as a theoretical tool. The subsequent section deals with the cult of saints and the figure of the bishop both in general and in the province, using Whitehouse’s approach as a means of opening these up and allowing parallels to be drawn between the cult of saints and funerary feasting. At the same time, his theory is challenged by the variation within these activities in terms of participants and frequency of occurrence. The complex nature of Merovingian monasticism also presents a degree of challenge to Whitehouse’s perception of medieval monasticism as monolithic. Nevertheless, the application of ideas regarding the imagistic mode to recluses opened up new avenues of discussion. A focus on the ecclesiastical province of Trier suggests that the advent of Columbanian monasticism did not produce an instant surge in the number of rural monasteries in the north-east. Examination of church councils offered a double opportunity for the application of modes theory, both to the contents of the councils and to the institution of the councils themselves. A closer examination of councils in the context of place allows for consideration of regional variation. Modes theory is once again challenged: while councils may appear at first to be a supremely doctrinal phenomenon (involving policing and uniformity), they also involve negotiation, ingenuity and reflection. The paucity of sources for the north east tests the regional approach taken here: but it also encourages questions to be asked regarding the spread of manuscripts and ideas. Modes theory reveals the motivations behind apparently prosaic sermon collections as sophisticated, aiming at the policing of the clergy and laity and ensuring the stability of ‘correct’ doctrine. The section on the Synod of Auxerre dealing with standards amongst the clergy and parish care raises questions regarding the possibility of shared beliefs. An examination of the Life of Goar reveals that although its contents might seem appealing in elucidating more details of parish care, the context of the source called its reliability into question. Finally, an analysis of burial rites via three cemeteries in the province of Trier tested the limits of modes theory, and other cognitive approaches were recruited to examine the impact of the concept of liminality on burial practice. Presentation of geographical and archaeological evidence is discussed it is suggested that more extensive database work would enable comparative regional study, allowing for a closer examination of belief, burial and Christianization. This study concludes that the use of modes theory, together with other insights drawn from the cognitive science of religion, offers an alternative and illuminating approach to Christianization. It suggests that future research should regard this as a valid methodological tool for the analysis of medieval religion. It also suggests that a regional focus would benefit future studies of the Merovingian period.

This thesis argues that Jerome’s polemics against Helvidius, Jovinian, and Vigilantius were tailored to boost Jerome’s status within the Christian community, and were carefully constructed pieces of abusive rhetoric, rather than the result of his famed curmudgeonly character. These treatises are studied in light of both the ancient rhetorical tradition within which Jerome was trained, and modern theories of abusive rhetoric. This thesis is demonstrated in six chapters. Chapter 1 demonstrates that past scholarship focused on ‘Jerome the man’, his self-invention, and his academic and spiritual qualities, without giving adequate attention to how Jerome used these qualities in his compositions. Chapter 2 focuses on ancient and modern theories of rhetoric in order to set out a methodology of abusive rhetoric that highlights Burkean identification. In addition, this chapter studies how rhetoric can define and challenge social hierarchies. Chapter 3 discusses Jerome’s awareness of social standing through discussion of his interactions with three of his contemporaries: Augustine, Rufinus, and Ambrose. It examines how Jerome altered his rhetoric to reflect his perception of the relative social status of his correspondents. Part 2 studies three of Jerome’s treatises in light of the conclusion of Part 1. Chapter 4 analyzes Jerome’s Adversus Helvidium, and argues that Jerome’s rhetoric serves to contrast himself with Helvidius, whose heretical, fame-seeking character illuminates Jerome as a humble and conservative Christian. It argues that Jerome’s rhetoric in this treatise aimed for episcopal authority. Chapter 5 studies Jerome’s Adversus Iovinianum and argues that the polemic sought to extend Jerome’s views on asceticism to a wider audience, and potentially secure favor for himself following his expulsion from Rome. He presents Jovinian as a deceptive sinner with a dissolute lifestyle, and himself as an authoritative savior. Although Jerome attempted to connect to the elite in the Christian community, his tract was a failure due to an inability to identify successfully with the audience on the topic of virginity. Finally, Chapter 6 discusses Jerome’s Contra Vigilantium. Jerome presents Vigilantius as a boorish Gallic innkeeper, in contrast to himself as an urbane, albeit snobbish, orthodox Christian. Jerome’s rhetoric carefully identifies himself with upper class Christians, as well as the Emperor, apostles, and martyrs, thereby claiming their agreement with his view of orthodoxy. In sum, I argue that Jerome’s rhetoric served to construct a polemical persona that he attempted to use to further his Christian career, and shape his own image. While this was not entirely successful in his own day, Jerome’s rhetoric did ultimately succeed in crafting an image of himself as an orthodox and authoritative father of the Church.

This dissertation explores the transmission of the letters of Pope Leo the Great (pope, 440-461). In Chapter 1, I set out the contours of Leo’s papacy from external sources and from the letters, showing the significance of these letters for understanding his papacy and its context: our vision of the mid-fifth century would be much scantier without them. After discussing the letters in context and as sources, I conclude this chapter by examining the varied editions of his letters from Giovanni Bussi in 1470, through the only full edition, that of the Ballerini brothers in the 1750s, to the partial editions of Eduard Schwartz and Carlos Silva-Tarouca in the 1930s, a tribute to Leo’s enduring importance. Chapter 2 deals in detail with the pre-Carolingian canonical collections of Leo’s letters, beginning with the earliest in the late 400s and early 500s. Through these collections, I trace the ongoing significance of Leo for canon law as well as noting the links between early Italian collections, e.g. Teatina, Sanblasiana, and Quesnelliana, and postulate that one Gallic collection, Corbeiensis, was the source of another, Pithouensis. I also question the concept of a ‘renaissance gélasienne’ while still admitting the importance of this period for canonical activity. Chapter 3 deals with the letter collections gathered in relation to the Council of Chalcedon (451) – the old Latin version, Rusticus’ version, and the later Latin text, assessing their relationships and importance for our knowledge of Leo as well. Chapter 4 is an exploration of Leo’s letters through the Carolingian and post-Carolingian Middle Ages. The Carolingian explosion of manuscripts is the most important assessed, and I deal with Leo’s various collections in the period, especially Pseudo-Isidore, and demonstrate their relationships and those between them and the earlier collections. To give the reader a sample of the editorial implications of my scholarship, I include as an appendix an edition of Ep. 167 with an apparatus detailing the most significant manuscripts and a translation of my edition as a second appendix. This popular letter exists in different recensions, so it serves an important key to Leo’s text criticism. The third appendix is a conspectus of the letters.

This study aims to establish the semantic range of πίστις (‘faith’) in fourth century Christian discourse using the preaching of John Chrysostom as a source base. Against previous scholarship which sees πίστις as primarily a cognitive or propositional term referring to belief, this study uses a close examination of Chrysostom’s preaching to argue that the relational nature of the term was central to its significance for fourth century preaching as Christians considered their own faith and biblical texts. Chrysostom uses the reciprocal, relational character of πίστις to emphasise loyalty, trust and obedience to God through metaphors based upon the military, economic and household contexts of late antiquity. This study further shows that Chrysostom in turn uses these aspects of πίστις to seek to influence the everyday life of his congregation, whether to support existing behaviour (such as obedience to the emperor, or husbands, or the bishop) or to seek to transform behaviour (such as encouraging the rich to give to the poor, or masters to treat slaves better). This contextual understanding of πίστις therefore sheds light on how the relationship with God both informed and was informed by the everyday human relationships of the congregation. The study overall demonstrates the necessity of understanding Chrysostom’s view of πίστις as belonging within a reciprocal relationship, enabling a new view of Chrysostom’s preaching, faith and late antiquity to emerge.

In the late eleventh century, the episcopal Church of St Cuthbert at Durham was one of the most powerful institutions in the North of England. Its power was derived from its possession of extensive landed estates which had been acquired since the late seventh century. Whereas the other ecclesiastical corporations of early Northumbria had succumbed to the successive waves of Scandinavian invasions, the Church of St Cuthbert had established a significant franchise and had augmented its landholding. The leaders of the Church were willing to lend their support to any secular ruler who would guarantee the safety of its possessions. The first Norman appointee to the bishopric, Walcher, was in a precarious position relying heavily upon the local Northumbrian aristocracy for his administration. Factionalism within Walcher's regime brought about the Bishop's murder at Gateshead in 1080. This incident forced William I to reconsider his policy in the North-East of England and he appointed William of St Calais to the bishopric and Robert de Mowbray to the earldom of Northumbria. Bishop William launched an attack on the position of the members of the pre-Conquest Congregatio sancti Cuthberti by introducing a Convent of Benedictine monks to Durham in 1083. A re-examination of the early twelfth-century chronicle of Symeon, who was precentor at Durham, challenges the widely held view that there was a complete change in the personnel serving St Cuthbert's shrine in 1083. It is argued that a significant number of the Congregation entered the Convent thus maintaining a strong local presence at the shrine. The Benedictine Convent served as the cathedral chapter and its relationship with its nominal Abbot, the Bishop, is surveyed for the period, 1083 to 1153. During the pontificate of William of St Calais, the Convent enjoyed a privileged status within the see. However, the elevation of Rannulf Flambard to the bishopric marked the beginning of conflict between the two institutions. The monks sought a definition. of their franchise and this prompted them to confect a series of forged foundation charters which multiplied during the pontificate of Hugh du Puiset. The establishment of a French baronage within the Patrimony of St Cuthbert strengthened the Norman presence in the region, although a number of native families maintained their position. The surviving evidence suggests that the feudal structure of Durham was largely the work of Bishop Rannulf. Finally, the relationship between the Church of St Cuthbert and Scotland has been considered and it is argued that, in this period, the Bishop of Durham did not take an active role in the defence of the North of England. The Convent received grants of land from the Scots kings, most notably the church of Coldingham. As it had done between its foundation and the late eleventh century, the Church of St Cuthbert survived weathering the Norman Conquest and thereby ensuring that the cult of St Cuthbert at Durham prospered. By the end of the twelfth century it was rivalled only by that of Thomas Becket.

La thèse présente est une étude canonique traitant la question de l’obligation canonique du célibat des ministres vers l’an 380 en Occident et en Orient. De fait, une comparaison entre les Traditions orientales et occidentales est effectuée. La recherche est centralisée sur l’interprétation de la péricope 1 Cor. 7, 1-9 de l’Apôtre Paul, qui fut interprétée inexactement par les papes et influença beaucoup la teneur de leurs Décrétales. Puis une analyse est faite de tous les canons orientaux du IVe siècle par les Conciles particuliers et le Concile œcuménique de Nicée comme aussi des lettres canoniques des Pères grecs. Ce matériel est une partie du droit canonique oriental. Les Conciles sont divisés en deux parties, avant et après le 380. Ensuite une approche canonique des décisions conciliaires occidentales est réalisée à travers les Conciles particuliers du IVe siècle. Ces canons présentent la première imposition de l’obligation canonique du célibat au niveau local. L’étude continue à analyser le contenu des Décrétales des trois papes : Damase, Sirice et Innocent I, qui imposent le célibat après 380, d’une manière officielle et au niveau universel en utilisant l’autorité (auctoritas) et le pouvoir (potestas) du Siège de Rome. / This thesis is a canonical study which treats the question of the canonical obligation of the celibacy of priests in 380 in West and at East. It is a comparison between the eastern and western Tradition. The Research is using as important basis the extract of 1 Cor. 7, 1-9 from Apostle Paul’s Letter. This extract was misunderstood by the popes and influenced a lot their Decrees. It has been done an analysis of all the oriental canons of 4th century of the First Ecumenical Council, of the local Councils and also of the canonical Letters of the Holy Fathers. This material is a part of the eastern canon law. The Councils are devised in two parts, before and after 380.In accordance to this there is a canonical approach to the decisions of the western councils, through the local Councils of the 4th century. Those canons present the first imposition of the canonical obligation of celibacy in a local level. The study continues by analysing the contest of the Decrees of three popes: Damasus, Siricius and Innocent I, who imposed the celibacy after 380 in an official way and in a universal level by using the authority (auctoritas) and the power (potestas) of the See of Rome.

The subject of this thesis is the relationship between hagiography and cult in the early medieval west taken through the example of the Passiones of St. Kilian of Würzburg († 689) in the period from circa 700 to circa 1000 AD. Through examining a cult which developed east of the Rhine, this thesis will assess these developments taking place in a region without a strong Christian-Roman history. Thuringia produced new saints and cults in this period, yet they all operated within the overarching framework of the well-established religious phenomenon of saints' cults. In its approach, this thesis builds upon the insights of Ian Wood, James Palmer and others, in which saints' Lives are viewed as ‘textual arguments' which could operate beyond cultic contexts. This is combined with the cultural context approaches advocated in geographically specific studies by the likes of Julia Smith, Thomas Head and Raymond Van Dam. By paying particular attention to the impact of updating saints' Lives this thesis provides an in depth comparison of the relatively overlooked two earliest passiones of St. Kilian and their place in the history of the Würzburg community. It therefore addresses the nature and function of hagiography and its relationship with the institutional memory and identity of that community. The spread of cult through texts and relics is compared with the distribution of the hagiography in order to form a picture of the relationship between these different facets of cult. The question of the way in which these passiones engaged with their wider political and religious contexts is also addressed in order to demonstrate the functions of hagiography outwith an immediate cultic context.