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The focus of this thesis is alterity. More accurately, the possibilities of an alternative to the predicament of demoralisation (Fevre, 2000). Demoralisation is a theoretical concept that attempts to account for real world problems. My own reading of the term suggests that these problems are threefold, encompassing: the absence of moral certainty and guides to action, the absence of morale or happiness and a deficiency in social integration. In sum, it can be thought of as a modern day version of anomie that hints at problems with morality, (post)modernity, market hegemony and the everyday. Alterity is studied here as a possible arena in which to subvert and escape this predicament. Over a year was spent conducting fieldwork using participant observation ethnography. Fieldwork was conducted at multiple sites including an intentional community, a Buddhist retreat centre, a fair trade shop, a real food market that sells local, organic and fair trade produce, a world music festival and a 'new age' dancing group. These sites were selected in the course of the research because they constituted themselves as alternatives to the problems of mainstream, modern, market driven and everyday living. The empirical focus is on the ways in which alterity can occasion cultural and affectual forms of subversion (rather than political and ideological ones) because demoralisation - like anomie - is a cultural and affectual predicament. In terms of methodological innovation, my PhD represents a contribution to the development of multi site ethnography (Marcus, 1986). It pioneers the strategy of 'tracking analytic themes' to do justice to the range of contexts in which alterity appears and the multiple manifestations it takes. Similarly, it develops ways of flunking about the relationship between theory and empirical research. As an ethnography, this thesis makes connections (Strathern, 1991) such that an evocation (Tyler, 1986) of alterity is offered alongside attempts to engage in myriad theoretical debates. The empirical research is used to displace and develop existing social theories without attempting to falsify them or offer new theories in their place. The theoretical areas of interest are: alterity, marginality, ethos, embodiment, the nature of modernity and processes of social ordering, the nature of transgression, the nature of individuality/identity, the nature of community/sociality and the interface between the market and morality. Additionally, there is a commitment to social philosophy. Here, concepts such as deconstruction (Derrida, 1967) the fold (Deleuze, 1993), heterotopia (Hetherington, 1997), motility (Munro, 2001 1992 ) and the relation (Strathern, 1995) are borrowed from continental philosophy and contemporary social anthropology to make sense of the data and to mount a defence of the social against postmodern tendencies. The central conclusion of the PhD concerns the fieldwork sites in relation to demoralisation. Noting the impossibility of a wholesale escape from demoralisation, the PhD considers how the fieldwork sites engage with and utilise the things they seek to subvert in order to fashion 'pockets of refuge' and occasion morality. In this spirit, it is concluded that something is better than nothing. With this, it is argued that an appreciation of heterogeneity, complexity, movement and balance can provide forms of subversion and a way forward that does not rely on a return to outmoded, one dimensional certainty.

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This thesis explores the tension between the radical aims of time banks and their position within the State-led third sector. It does this by theorising the concepts and manifestations of social exclusion and the third sector, and the existing time bank literature. Firstly a critical realist stance is taken to define social exclusion as a structural problem, by utilising a Marxist Feminist position and Levitas’ analysis of government responses to social exclusion. Time banks intend to address social exclusion through social capital however, in scrutinising Putnam and Bourdieu’s theories it is argued that interventions which focus on non-monetary forms of capital maintain the status-quo of social exclusion. Secondly, it is argued that a process of ‘third sectorisation’ has occurred which neutralises what Gramsci proposed as the counter-hegemonic activity of civil society, by bringing it within the neoliberal structure of government. It is contended that this evidences Foucault’s theory of governmentality, whereby values are superseded by economic rationales. The existing literature fails to explore the tension between the radical potential of time banks to challenge structural inequalities by aiming to alter conceptions of work through a communistic time-based currency, and their potential to maintain social exclusion via their focus on social capital. By analysing observational and interview data from 12 months within a time bank, this thesis presents an in-depth examination of how a time bank works to depoliticise counter-hegemonic activity and maintain social exclusion. It is argued that time banks’ position within the third sector moulds them into an extension of the neoliberal state in which the activities of civil society are exploited to build resilience rather than resistance to the current structure in which social exclusion exists. The conclusion demonstrates the need to critically examine radical interventions aimed at alleviating social exclusion when they work within the third sector.

Each year, aggressive behaviour contributes to a substantial number of criminal offenses - resulting in severe personal, social, and financial ramifications. As such, there is importance for understanding the underlying mechanisms of aggression and how it might best be managed. The violence inhibition mechanism, thought to be dysfunctional in individuals characterised by aggressive behaviour and associated callous-unemotional traits, is used to explain how the perception of facial distress might inhibit an ongoing aggressive act. Despite a sizeable literature characterising the violence inhibition mechanism, to date, empirical research has overlooked this investigation on an electrophysiological level. This thesis developed a novel facial-affect stopping task in order to tease apart the distinct stages of face processing and distress-induced motor extinction using electroencephalography. Results suggested that whilst callous-unemotional traits, specifically uncaring traits, were associated with electrophysiological indices of structural/featural face processing (N170, P200), aggressive traits, specifically physical aggression, were associated with electrophysiological indices of distressinduced motor extinction (stop-N200, stop-P300). Furthermore, in light of a growing literature suggesting a benefit of omega-3 dietary intake for both aggressive and callous-unemotional traits, correlational analysis suggested an association between omega-3 and physical aggression/distress-induced motor extinction, but not callous-unemotional traits/face processing. These results have theoretical implications for understanding and investigating the violence inhibition mechanism on an electrophysiological level, as well as practical utility for better understanding how omega-3 might benefit aggressive traits and motor extinction. Specifically, the importance of distinguishing between both [1] aggressive and callous-unemotional traits and [2] face processing and motor extinction ability, when investigating the violence inhibition mechanism.

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"Eyu", l'Homme, naît riche, c'est la société qui l'appauvrit par le biais des institutions qui établissent les catégories de pensée et les règles sur lesquelles les individus s'appuient pour penser et agir. À Bokokopé au Togo, des migrants kabyè bénéficient de projets de développement. Le but de ces projets est d'augmenter le revenu de ces paysans, garanti d'une amélioration de conditions de vie et de bien-être. Mais les différents acteurs de ce processus ne partagent pas ce style de pensée qui lie le bien-être au revenu. Ce qui entraine des difficultés à s'entendre sur les indicateurs d’évaluation. L'outil principal des techniciens du développement est le cadre logique. Toute action non-logique et non mesurable est par conséquent presque exclue. C'est ainsi que, lorsque Hazou décide par exemple de revendre sa chèvre "à perte" en justifiant qu'il "gagnait en amitié", cela suscite interrogation. Pourquoi résiste-t-il au calcul de rentabilité, moyen incontournable pour améliorer son revenu ? Cette réticence à tout calculer, tout quantifier et tout marchandiser peut se comprendre en se référant à la perception du monde qu'ont les acteurs en présence à Bokokopé ainsi que des rapports qu'ils entretiennent avec le travail et l'argent dans une perspective du vivre ensemble. Leurs actions sont déterminées par plusieurs mondes de pensée qui fluctuent entre des principes marchands portés essentiellement par certaines organisations de développement, et des principes non-marchands véhiculés principalement par des mythes ou des rites auxquels adhèrent les membres de la communauté. / "Eyu", the Human, is born rich, the society impoverishes him by means of the institutions which establish the categories of thought and rules on which the individuals learn to think and act. In Bokokopé in Togo, migrants of the so-called kabyè ethnic group benefit from development projects. The purpose of these projects is to increase the income of these peasants, guaranteeing an improvement of living conditions and well-being. But the different stakeholders of this process do not share this style of thought which links well-being to income. Therefore, many difficulties to adopt indicators appear during different evaluations. The main tool of the technicians of development is the Logical Framework. Any unmeasurable and non-logical action is almost excluded. That's how, when Hazou decides, for instance, to sell his goat 'at a loss ' but giving proof that he ' won in friendship ', it provokes questioning. Why does it resist the counting of profitability, the inevitable means to ameliorate its income? This reticence to calculate everything, to quantify everything and to the marketization of all can be understood by referring to the perception of the world that the participants have in Bokokopé as well as of the relationship which they maintain with work (job) and money while living a Community lifestyle. Their actions are determined by several ways of thinking which fluctuate between the logic of the trade world carried principally by certain developmental organizations, and alternately nonprofit principles, in most cases, myths or rituals to which the members of the community adhere.

Le tébufénozide, un régulateur de croissance d'insecte, affecte le développement ainsi que certains aspects de la communication chimique et du succès reproducteur des deux sexes chez Choristoneura fumiferana (Clem.) et C. rosaceana (Harris) (Lepidoptera : Tortricidae), traités selon deux méthodes de traitement. Cet analogue de l'ecdysone augmente le temps de développement chez les deux espèces et réduit la masse corporelle des deux sexes chez C. rosaceana uniquement. Chez C. fumiferana, le tébufénozide retarde l'heure d'émission de la phéromone chez les jeunes femelles et perturbe la capacité des mâles à détecter et localiser une source phéromonale en tunnel de vol. Chez C. rosaceana, ce produit provoque un ralentissement de la maturation ovarienne et conséquemment une diminution de la fécondité des femelles. Également, la production des spermatozoïdes eupyrènes par les mâles ainsi que leur succès d'accouplement sont affectés par le tébufénozide.