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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.

Magic and war: the role of ritual and traditional belief in the Kamajor civil defence forces in Sierra Leone and beyond

Wlodarczyk, Nathalie January 2007 (has links)
This thesis argues that magic contributes significantly to the social and cultural context in many contemporary African settings in which acts of violence and war are carried out and interpreted. It can be understood as appropriate and logical practice, as opposed to a marker of irrationality and backwardness. To do this the thesis (a) explores the actual roles played by magic in contemporary African warfare, and (b) considers this in relation to the way we think about war and the practices that underpin it. Part I (chapters 2-4) argues the case for engaging with magic as a serious influence on wartime behaviour and suggests a conceptual toolkit for doing so, drawing on Pierre Bourdieu's work on the formation of practice. It shows that magic and traditional beliefs are still relevant to political and social relations in Africa in peacetime and war. It also suggests a set of tools for thinking about magic and warfare without succumbing to either purely functionalist or relativistic explanations. Part II (chapters 5-8) applies these tools to the case study of the Kamajor civil defence forces in Sierra Leone, arguing that by looking at the interconnected dimensions of habitus, field, capital and interest (borrowed from Bourdieu) we can understand how the Kamajor's use of magic was both logical and appropriate. This is done by looking at the context of the war, the cosmology of people who joined and interacted with the Kamajors, and how these made magic a valuable resource for mobilisation as well as battlefield tactics. Part III concludes the thesis and argues that thinking about magic, and in extension cultural practice more broadly, in relation to Bourdieu's notion of practice formation helps us sharpen our analysis of warfare in a way that can be applied also beyond the study of magic and Africa.

Former rebel groups and the politics of apologies

Ireton, Shannon Kathleen January 2013 (has links)
Within the field of transitional justice, knowledge of many aspects of post-conflict reconciliation continues to evolve, including the use of public apologies. This thesis considers in particular the role and politics of post-conflict apologies by former rebel groups, attempting to fill a gap in the current literature on political apologies that fails to consider apologies by rebel groups. It provides initial insights into the question, 'why do rebel groups apologise in some cases, but not in others?' This is achieved by comparing three cases - two where rebel group apologies are present, Northern Ireland (Provisional Irish Republican Army) and South Africa (African National Congress), and one where there is no rebel group apology, Cyprus (EOKA) - through three variables, security, politics, and society to determine possible influences on the apology outcome and the motivations of rebel groups to offer an apology, or refuse to apologise. Within each of the independent variables, specific factors are scrutinised and compared to determine their relative influence on the rebel groups' apology outcome. These include factors such as community violence and decommissioning, international influences, public opinion and elections, civil society, symbolism, and reconciliation. Comparative analysis of these factors revealed several motivations behind rebel group apology outcomes. Specifically, I argue that the transition to politics results in rebel groups behaving in a manner similar to that of states in relation to political apologies; that civil society has a stronger influence than formalised truth or reconciliation commissions; that the 'Age of Apology' has normalised the use of political apologies and had a positive socializing effect on rebel groups to offer an apology; and that apologies are used both for the purposes of reconciliation and for political gain. The conclusions of the thesis have implications beyond the specific groups analysed. The large number of societies emerging from civil conflict, grappling to deal with post-conflict trauma often count rebel groups among the relevant stakeholders. The question of how to transition and diffuse these groups will continue to pose dilemmas for policy makers and peace workers, making academic study of rebel group apologies a priority.

How virtual temas use media to manage conflict

Chen, Jiyun January 2007 (has links)
In recent years, the study of virtual teams has become the focus of much attention and led the direction to focus on conflict management styles within virtual teams since information communication technologies have become popular and commonly adopted.

Figurations of violence and belonging : sexuality, immigration and nationalism in Israel/Palestine and in cyberspace

Kuntsman, Adi January 2006 (has links)
Based on a ten-month ethnographic study that took place in an on-line collective space of Russian-speaking queer immigrants who live in Israel/Palestine, this thesis pursues the question: what are the relations between violence and belonging? Contrary to most research that addresses immigrants and queers solely as victims of violence (racial or homophobic), I argue that violence should be seen as a complex social and psychic phenomenon that is constitutive of spaces of belonging and not just a background against which belonging takes place. I further argue that violence of a particular type never stands alone and that it operates not only through particular figures but through multifaceted relations between them.

A comparison of communal conflict dynamics and sub-national patterns of violence in Indonesia and Nigeria, Central Sulawesi Province and Kaduna State

Diprose, Rachael January 2012 (has links)
This mixed-methods study compares the processes of violent conflict escalation and de-escalation in two pairs of neighbouring, sub-national regions in Indonesia (Poso and Donggala districts) and Nigeria (Zangon Kataf and Kachia Local Government Areas). Despite similar contextual features, this thesis demonstrates that inter-group tensions have only escalated into repeated episodes of widespread violence in one of the two research sites examined in each country. This thesis argues that the onset of, or escalation in, violent communal conflict involves complex processes that shift inter- group relations back and forth along a continuum, from more peaceful interaction between groups at one extreme, towards repeated episodes of collective violence at the other extreme. In the presence of inter-group tensions, interventions and constraints at different points in the conflict trajectory may prevent tensions culminating in violence, or prevent repeated episodes of collective violence from occurring. Analysis of the evidence suggests that violence at the sub-national level is more likely to occur during periods of political-institutional change that are accompanied by economic decline. At such times, the opportunity for groups to re-negotiate their access to the state is enlarged, as there are higher stakes that encourage groups to participate in both violent and non-violent forms of contestation. Furthermore, at such times, this thesis argues that the risk of violent communal conflict increases when the heterogeneous interests and grievances of group members converge under politically salient identity frames, in opposition to other such groups. This is particularly the case if the convergence of motivations is underpinned by a local history of political or socio- economic inequalities between groups, or the unequal recognition of cultural groups by the state. Furthermore, inequalities between the elites of politically salient groups (for example, in terms of access to power and resources) drive their own interests in mobilising the wider group in collective action. However, power- and resource- sharing, as well as efforts to redress inequalities, can help to de-escalate tensions. Underpinning the shifts of inter-group tensions along the peace-violence continuum towards collective violence are those processes that focus public attention on inter- group differences rather than similarities. Such shifts are also underscored by constellations of actions and events that link past and present, and facilitate the mounting and staging of violence along salient identity group lines (such as the use of emotive group symbols, derogatory slurs, strategically targeted violence and other acts that invite violent reprisals). However, shifts towards more peaceful interaction tend to be driven by events and actions that focus public attention on group similarities and seek to redress inter-group tensions. The overarching argument of this thesis is that in the presence of inter-group tensions, sub-national outbreaks of violence are not always inevitable in plural societies. Supra-local tensions can stimulate communal violence, but repeated episodes of violence tend to occur when there are local roots, particularly those pertaining to inequalities.

Motivated to use violence? : a case study of animal protection and women's suffrage groups

Monaghan, Rachel January 1998 (has links)
No description available.

Mythic commons : a perspective on law’s violent society

Nayar, R. Jayakumar January 1997 (has links)
No description available.

Let's talk about peace: mediation in civil conflict

Clayton, Govinda January 2013 (has links)
This dissertation contributes to the growing literature centered on civil war mediation. Relying on a rationalist framework of conflict and actors, and employing quantitative methods, the research uncovers a number of findings relating to the features that assist and impede civil conflict peace brokers. Paper one demonstrates the importance of the relative belligerent strength. Using disaggregated dyadic data, the analysis shows that insurgents whose capacity more closely matches the state are more likely to see mediation in the first place, and ultimately end their conflict through a settlement This argument is developed in the second paper, which shows how belligerent capacity is affected by natural resources. The presence of oil is shown to increase the relative position of the incumbent, lowering the likelihood of mediation and agreement. Paper three focuses on the interaction between the characteristics of the mediator and the belligerents. It demonstrates that mediation is more likely to be accepted when the incumbent and third party share institutional similarities. Notably, non-democratic states are shown to have a significantly higher demand for mediation led by non-democratic third parties. In paper four, which is co-authored with Kristian :=== Skrede Gleditsch, we extend previous research on mediation by assessing the predictive powers of features highlighted as important determinants for mediation. Our results suggest that a two stage model of mediation and success does relatively well in out-of-sample predictions. In total the dissertation makes a number of important contributions, including: using disaggregated data to facilitate assessments of competing mechanisms; adopting an innovative modelling procedure to better capture the selection effects underpinning mediation; and proposing a new means of result validation that offers a more comprehensive assessment of statistical results. In , ,I I • ( i I-.- -.- "; ~ J.... i ---- ~:= I • this way the dissertation bridges the gap between studies of civil war mediation, and theoretical and methodological innovations within the broader civil war literature.

The Politics of peace education in post-conflict settings : the case of the education for peace programme in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Tinker, Vanessa January 2013 (has links)
Education for Peace (EFP) represents one of the longest running and largest peace education programmes of its kind. What began as a small pilot study in six schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) became in a period of approximately twelve years mainstreamed throughout the country's educational system. Despite the programme's "political success", relatively little has been written on EFP and there has been no systematic independent evaluation of its evolution. Therefore, the question of how and why EFP's political success was possible remains to be explored. To answer this question this thesis adopts a hermeneutica1-constructivist approach, thereby enabling this study to chronologically reconstruct the emergence and "mainstreaming" of the EFP programme and critically assess its adoption across the whole ofBiH. By using a hermeneutic-constructivist approach, this study makes explicit that the programme's philosophical assumptions derive from the Bahi'i faith, a fact which until now has been poorly understood and very rarely acknowledged. And while using this framework to critically assess the adoption and mainstreaming of EFP throughout BiH, this study demonstrates that EFP' s political success was helped by a number of factors, the six most prevalent being: the prevailing conditions and needs in post-war BiH; the programme's surface discourse which appears to address the objectives of the international community; the newness of peace education as a tool for peace-building and reconstruction in post-conflict societies; the unfamiliarity of the Bahi'i faith; the fact that the programme went through only one independent evaluation; and the disconnect of the programme's content and the political process of its adoption. Furthermore, this study will draw to attention the accidental and contingent nature of the adoption process of EFP, highlighting the naivety that was prevalent on all sides - the EFP people who want to help by spreading their positive messages of peace and unity, however unreflective oftheir assumptions and the governing officials, decision-makers and funders who want to help and/or be seen as being proactive. This study does not question whether EFP or those involved in funding or supporting the programme directly or indirectly are genuine in their intentions. Rather this study aims to draw attention to the unexpected outcomes and the failure to properly consider the programme's assumption that has now resulted in a religiously orientated peace education programme being mainstreamed throughout an entire country just emerging fi:om a violent ethnic-religious conflict. It allows us to ask more general questions about the future of peace education and its use as a peace-building and reconstruction tool in post-conflict settings while taking a closer and critica1100k at the political processes that allows for its nationwide implementation.

From Belfast to Bilbao : the Abertzale experience of the Irish model of conflict transformation

Jack, Eileen Paquette January 2016 (has links)
This dissertation explores the notion of the Irish model of peacebuilding, and how the Northern Irish peace process can contribute to the transformation of other conflicts. It poses the research question, ‘How has the Irish model [of peacebuilding] contributed to peace in the Basque Country’? In adopting a conflict transformation approach to the research question, a conceptual framework rooted in conflict transformation theory (Lederach, 2005, 2003, 1997; Galtung, 1996, 1969; Vayrynen, 1991) considers whether the Irish model is a tool of conflict transformation for the izquierda Abertzale. The project adapts the psychological method of Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) as constructed by Smith, Flowers and Larkin (2009) as a means of thematic analysis to examine the Abertzale experience of interpreting and using the Irish model. The dissertation argues that the Irish model serves as a learning tool of conflict transformation for the izquierda Abertzale as they develop a unique process of conflict transformation. Out of this empirical investigation emerges the theory of ‘praxis-based transformation’, with praxis here as defined by Paulo Freire (1970/1996) to capture a form of action which is rooted in reflection. While still an emerging theory, it would appear that praxis-based transformation can be generalized to capture a process by which actors in one context draw upon international precedents of conflict transformation to develop their own unique process of transformation. In addition to explaining how the Irish model and other precedents of conflict transformation can contribute to peace elsewhere, praxis-based transformation highlights a gap in the existing peacebuilding literature. Praxis-based transformation cannot be fully captured by the libera, or communitarian peacebuilding paradigms, nor does it find a home in the emerging hybrid peace (Richmond and Mitchell, 2012; Mac Ginty, 2011).

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