Images of Amerindians on European maps were often distinctive to the regions they were believed to inhabit. The result of complex interactions between source materials, interpretative traditions, and the commercial and political concerns of mapmakers and their audiences, these illustrations distilled and reformulated ethnographic knowledge mainly disseminated through travellers' accounts. They therefore provide evidence of how eye-witness observations were adapted to new visual contexts. The regions are considered in the order in which their inhabitants appeared on maps produced in Portugal, Seville, Normandy, German-speaking cities around the Rhine, Antwerp and Amsterdam. The first section, after surveying cartographic practices and workshops, explores two textual traditions which help to understand how images of Amerindians were read at the time: discussions of headless men, giants and similar creatures within the Plinian framework of monstrous peoples; and reflections on human diversity, drawing on contemporary notions of savagery and civility. The second section considers two contrasting portrayals of Brazilians. Mapmakers amalgamated testimony about several Caribbean and Brazilian peoples to construct representations of cannibals, while omitting peaceful activities which were equally prevalent in travel literature. Norman maps were an exception, picturing peaceful Tupinamba-French encounters. The third section examines cartographic depictions of physically 'monstrous' figures: Patagonian giants; and Amazons and headless men in Guiana. These are considered in connection with sources such as Maximilianus Transylvanus's De Moluccis insulis (1523) and Walter Ralegh's Discoverte a/Guiana (1596). Maps published by Hondius the Elder, Cornelis Claesz and Pieter van den Keere receive particular attention. The fourth section studies indicators of civility such as towns which featured in images of the peoples of Peru, Virginia and Florida. It concludes with wall maps by Hondius the Elder and Willem Blaeu, illustrating distinctions between different Amerindians, their place within humanity as a whole and the impact of De Bry's America series.

This thesis analyses whether attempts to reimagine the nation in plural terms can be successful in altering individuals’ conceptualisations of national identity and belonging. Drawing on theories of identity maintenance and ontological security (Giddens 1991), identity as performance (Butler, 1990; Goffman, 1959) and Mason’s (2013) concept of ‘cosmopolitan museology’, it questions the degree to which individuals are willing or able to accept plural representations of national identity increasingly seen in European museums such as the National Museum of Scotland. Such interpretative approaches attempt to deconstruct homogenous discourses of nationhood while encouraging individuals to develop a reflexive sense of self. This thesis argues that further research is needed into the way in which heritage is produced and negotiated in everyday social environments beyond the museum in order to understand what—if any— impact museums may have in producing ‘inclusive’ definitions of national identity. These issues are examined in Scotland, a devolved nation in the UK. The thesis critically analyses how young people aged between 13-17 years old from 5 schools in Glasgow, Edinburgh, Barra and the Scottish Borders utilised and negotiated concepts of ‘heritage’, ‘place’, ‘national identity’ and ‘diversity’ in narratives of belonging and exclusion. 73 young people participated in the research, which was conducted using focus groups and semi-structured interviews. The analysis also draws upon insights gained from teachers and heritage professionals. The research found that the majority of participants adopted positions that reinforced their existing sense of self, rather than alter their definitions of nationhood. While many participants were comfortable with the language of ‘diversity’, they frequently struggled to express themselves when applying these principles to everyday life. The findings indicate that museums could make a positive contribution to public debates by enabling individuals to articulate ideas of diversity while avoiding the essentialisation of difference.

The first concern of this thesis is to set out an interpretation of race relations in the zone of transition in British cities, expressed in terms of general categories of sociological analysis and variables which define the basic dimensions of the local social structure in which race relations are embedded. A second aim is to document the wide range of empirical situations in multi-racial zones of transition in cities in Britain. Rex and Moore's (1967a) study of Sparkbrook, Birmingham is at out in detail and studies of Cardiff, parts of London, Bristol, Nottingham and Newcastle are briefly reviewed, before the presentation of data on residential succession and race relations in Moss Side Manchester. The documentation of significant differences in the pattern of racial succession leads to the third a1Jn, that is, to relate local differences in the process and consequences of the residential settlement of coloured immigrants to basic characteristics of the city, such as the nature of the economic base and the net migration balance. In particular, it is suggested that the pattern of racial succession will differ depending on whether coloured immigrants have moved into an area with an expanding industrial-based economy, a declining area or an area which is maintaining its prosperity through expansion in the tertiary sector. Birmingham is seen as an example of the first category and Manchester of the third. An examination of the relationship between trends in the economic structure and in the residential structure in the local area. suggests ways in which a comparative study of British cities might be developed. The fourth aim is to consider the theory of housing classes as set out by Rex and Moore, which has stimulated much analysis in this field. I conclude that as a theory-of classes in a market for housing, it is deficient in being concerned with the use rather than the disposal of housing and with interests generated over access to housing rather than possession of it. I discuss the possibilities of competition as well as conflict over housing and suggest a more 11m! ted analysis in terms c:£ interest groups rather than classes. I show the possible significance of urban movements based on recognition of common housing interests, but these are multi-racial in character and a feature of residential succession in Moss Side, Manchester, rather than Sparkbrook, 131rmingba.m. A fifth aim is to demonstrate a close association between the process of residential succession and the local pattern of race relations • .Again, contrasts are drawn between Sparkbrook, B1rm1ngham and Moss Side. The sixth aim is to account for this differing pattern of residential succession and race relations not as in Rex and Moore's account as a result of economic competition for housing, but as a consequence of reactions to differences in the way that housing is used by differing categories of landlords and residents. I demonstrate the close association between racial status and social status and argue that much of the pattern of race relations in some multi-racial transitional areas can be understood in terms of defensive reactions by residents who feel that the reputational status of the area is threatened by a particular form of residential succession in which single-family housing is split into multi-occupation and at the same time Changes from white to coloured occupancy or ownership.

This Ph. D. thesis seeks to develop the field of knowledge regarding Muslims, Conflict, and Conflict Resolution. It represents new scholarship within an under-researched field. Methodology utilises extensive fieldwork interviews undertaken within the London Borough of Newham, together with other primary and secondary sources of information. Aspects of informal and formal conflict resolution are addressed, with a focus on `cultural sensitivity' and the concept of impartiality. Social/economic exclusion is examined within the context of urban regeneration, institutional racism and Islamophobia. Factors related to interpersonal communication and employer perceptions of Muslim `Black and Asian' people as `culturally' dissimilar are analysed - in connection with employment discrimination, and access to public service provision in Newham. The transmission and impact of public opinion is explored, in association with local media input, and the manifestations of racism in the neighbourhood. The perceptions of different parties towards the concept that "Islam is `oppressive' towards women" is examined in detail. Aspects of group dynamics and interpersonal communication are discussed within the framework of `becoming local', and the implications for refugee and/or underclass Muslim migrants. The thesis draws recommendations for the management of dysfunctional conflict in Newham, and suggestions are provided for policy action relevant to the reduction of Muslim social/economic exclusion, within the context of urban regeneration in Newham.

No description available.

No description available.

There has been a shift from top-down decision-making in many European countries in recent decades and a movement towards inclusive policy development. This is a key issue with regards to ethnic minority and migrant groups, who often experience poverty, social exclusion, and lower rates of participation in the political process. Almond and Verba (1963) found that the voluntary and community sector (VeS) plays a crucial intermediary role in political engagement. This method of political incorporation has been adopted by many Western democracies, and in the United Kingdom, policy towards the ves recognises the role of the sector in policy development. This research uses an evidence base from Northern Ireland to assess the efficacy of consulting the ves on behalf of ethnic minorities and migrants in policy development. Findings from interviews and document analysis in Northern Ireland showed that there are significant efforts made to engage ethnic minority and migrant groups in the policy process, and that the majority of this is done through the VCS. There are positives in this process, and examples of best practice do exist. However there is little evidence that the consultation process has been successful in reflecting the 'voice' of ethnic minorities in policy-making, particularly in the stages of implementation and monitoring. Borne out of Hooghe (2005)'s application of the Amsterdam model of political opportunity structure to ethnic minority movements, this thesis identifies four key factors which impact on the efficacy of the consultation process in representing the interests of ethnic minority and migrant groups in decision-making: the process of consultation; the systems and structures in which consultation takes place; the capacity and resources of stakeholders; and relationships between stakeholders. It argues that for this method to be effective, potential obstacles in each of these elements must be addressed.

The thesis examines the relationship between national identification and prejudice, particularly towards immigrants. It argues that this relationship can be better understood by considering particular meanings and definitions of national groups, and that these definitions vary within and between national contexts. In particular, it argues that an ethnic definition of the national group, which is a particular case of essentialism, plays an important role in shaping the extent to which national identification and prejudice are elated to one another.

This study is concerned with understanding what it means to be a young Black Caribbean man in contemporary British society. Specifically, it focused on examining how negotiating constraints and opportunities in education, community and citizenship has facilitated and shaped the participants' identities. The participants were nine young men of Black Caribbean parentage of the second and third generation of their families to be born in Britain. . A qualitative methodology underpinned by Black feminist thinking with an emphasis on experience and post-structuralism's notion of multiplicity was employed as the basis for data collection and analysis. The design of the study incorporated unstructured, one-to-one interviews conducted a minimum of three times with each of the participants and a focus group discussion with seven of the participants to conclude the fieldwork. Applying a discourse analytic approach the study highlights the complex and overlapping processes involved in the participants' attempts to position and reposition their identities, producing multiple locations. In these processes, representations and experiences of inequality are pivotal. The participants' negotiations of the constraints of negative representations, structural inequality and limited opportunities illustrate 'articulated identities' premised on aspirations and ambitions for shifting their unequal position in the current social and economic order, indicating how their lives are being shaped by social process. Their strategies include, deciding to stay on or return to education to acquire qualifications for high status professional jobs, commitment to 'giving back' to community and taking ownership of British citizenship. However, in this process, there are areas of contestation, ambivalence and fracture particularly in notions of 'community' and citizenship.

The globalization phenomenon is becoming a driving force of era–defining changes in the nature of societies and economics across the world. To a large extent, it has created a borderless world in which different cultures have become closer and interact with each other. In this multicultural world, relations between Muslims and non-Muslims, particularly those in the West, have become a pertinent and contentious issue. Events such as the attacks of September 11th, 2001, the Bali nightclub bombings in 2002, the London bombings on July 7, 2005, and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have questioned the relations between Muslims and Westerners, and renewed interest in Huntington‘s "clash of civilization thesis". This study explores the potential effects of the school-based intervention titled "Our Brothers and Sisters in Humanity" on Omani 10th grade female students, regarding their tolerance toward other religions, Western culture and Westerners. The effectiveness of the intervention programme was determined using a quasi-experimental design using two experimental and two control schools. The questionnaire was administered before and after the intervention to a sample of 241 girls, of whom 116 were in the experimental group and 125 in the control group. A semi-structured interview was conducted before and after the intervention with 16 participants, of whom 8 were from the experimental group and 8 from the control group. Analysis of the quantitative data in post-intervention round reveals that there were statistically significant differences between the experimental group and the control group in tolerance toward other religions, Western culture and Westerners. Analysis of the qualitative data from the pre-intervention interviews conducted with the participants in both the experimental and the control group revealed low tolerance toward extending liberties to those who were different in terms of religious faith. Yet in the post-intervention interviews the experimental groups showed greater tolerance. The findings gave empirical support to the Social Identity theory, one of the most important theories to explain Omani girls‘ intolerance toward other religions, Western culture and Westerners. Future research should be directed towards examining the effectiveness of the interventions for different populations and school levels.