The aim of the thesis is to examine the forces which, since 1914, have operated in bringing 'Iraq from a neglected and maladministered portion of the Ottoman Empire to its present position as a political unit among the nations. The establishment and development of its political institutions are traced and evaluated from the standpoint of their contribution to this evolution and in their relation to British policy: the safeguarding of the frontiers of find the routes to India. This policy is conceived to have remained the same during the period under review, as in the previous 150 years, the history of which is briefly sketched. The early administration, 1914-1917, characterized by expediency and the application of Indian methods, is shown to have been dominated by military considerations and political motives which envisaged "Mesopotamia as an appendage of India." The divergence of opinion between the so-called "Indian" and "Sharifian" schools of Arab politics is revealed to have been, in reality, the more fundamental conflict between the traditional the ory of the duty of advanced nations to backwards peoples and the theory of self-determination, of nationalism and of democratic consent. The influence of this conflict is indicated on the creation of administration, particularly between 1917- 1920, and on the constitutional proposals put forward from Baghdad during that period. The growth of 'Iraqi nationalism is traced from hitherto unutilized sources. The influence of war-time promises and encouragement by the Allies, of the Arab movement elsewhere and of the impact of Western ideas is analysed. The view that it had no local origins is rejected. New light from official sources is given on the creation of Arab Government, the Provisional Council of State, the accession of King Faisal, the drafting of the Treaty of 1922 and the Organic, which are analysed, and on the passing of the Treaty by the Constituent Assembly. The positions of the King and of the British Advisers are examined. The evolution of King Faisal's position as a tool of British policy to that of a point of balance between the nationalists and the Mandatory Power is indicated. The development of administration is reviewed, and reasons suggested for the progressive curtailment of British responsibilities, The conclusion is reached that, in spite of the theoretical triumph of nationalism and democratic consent, Great Britain has achieved practical recognition of her special interests. While fundamental indigenous problems will long prevent Iraq from becoming the fully modern state she now claims to be, her national existence is assured as long as she facilitates the development of petroleum deposits, maintains the safety of international air communications and safeguards the Middle Eastern approach to India.

Through a case study of Iraq, this dissertation examines one manifestation of the increasingly prevalent phenomenon in struggling de jure states of the establishment of alternative forms of political sovereignty embodied by defacto states. Tracing Iraq's failed state-building endeavor to the adoption of an ill-suited Weberian model of state-building that idealized order and centralization to the exclusion of Iraq's Kurdish minority, it argues that much of the contestation and instability witnessed by the Iraqi state since its birth into modern statehood has stemmed from an effort to create a state inimical to the very real dispersal of social and political capital endemic to its society. The result has been continual coups, instability, and civil conflict that ultimately defined Iraq's modern history. Using this framework, the contention is defended that democracy cannot survive in Iraq without the preservation of its federal character, which alone guarantees the social, economic, political, and coercive dispersal of power necessary to maintain a free expression of Iraq's diverse interests. By restricting the responsibilities and obligations of the central state to more manageable tasks while dually creating a mechanism for a minority buy-in, federal institutions have pulled previously contentious social sources of power into legitimate state institutions and laid the foundation for a genuine, inclusive state-building process that will eventually benefit all Iraqis. While recognizing that this model is still contested by some leaders in Baghdad, the dissertation traces the path of the two key outstanding issues left unresolved --the exploitation of Iraq's vast natural resources and the territorial delineation of its disputed internal boundaries-- to argue for a resolution that will bolster Iraqi federalism without sacrificing the hope of greater unity.

This thesis examines the main obstacles to political development in the Kurdistan region (KR) in the period 1992-2014. It is an interdisciplinary study of recent history, culture, economics, politics and regional relations with a focus on political outcomes. Data from documentary sources is supported by semi-structured interviews with political stakeholders. The first part reviews the current historical, geographic, economic and social situation in the KR. The analysis is informed by theories of political development and the dependency school. The second part concentrates on the socio-political organisation of the KR, the performance of government and parliament, the role of the political parties and tribes. The third part evaluates the external relationships between the KR and the neighbouring countries, namely Iran and Turkey, and their impacts, positive or negative on political development. The aim of the study is to explain the interaction between all these aspects in the process of political development. Modern political institutions are considered as a tool for development, manifested in general elections in a multiparty system. However, the finding of this thesis is that the political institutions in the KR themselves obstruct the process of political development. The main political parties have a strongly centralised hierarchical structure without devolution of power or rotation of leaders. The parties cooperate with chieftains and tribes to stay in power. A further finding is that the level of political development in the KR corresponds to its relationships with neighbouring countries and the stability or instability of the region. The existence of Kurdish populations in the neighbouring countries and the standing of the KR as a non-state entity has had a negative impact on the ability of the Kurdistan regional government to follow an independent policy for development.

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Najaf has played a pivotal role in the political, religious and intellectual life in Iraq, as well as the wider Arab and Islamic world. However, since the formation of the Iraqi state in 1921, Najaf’s position as political arbiter declined in comparison with Baghdad. The political activism of young Shi’is had reflected a deep sense of discontent against the Iraqi central state, on the one hand, and the declining role of the Shi’a religious community in the holy cities on the other. The 1958 Iraqi Revolution presented both a challenge and an opportunity to Najafi ‘ulama. Thus, Najaf’s Shi’a marja’iyya had engaged in ideological and political hostilities between Abdu Karim Qasim and the strong ICP, on one hand, and Arab nationalists, backed by Naser’s Egypt on the other. Najaf’s role in the dispute was affected by its regional connections, and hence directed its standing towards Qasim’s regime. This religio-political campaign eventually led to the ousting of Qasim in February 1963. Over the next six years (1963-68), Sayyed Muhsin al-Hakim adopted two contrasting approaches towards Baghdad’s government; he advocated no specific Shi’a demands during the first months (the Ba’th period). Al-Hakim showed a radical turn towards the first ‘Arif’ government, calling for a fair representation within the Iraqi government. Al-Hakim returned to his old peaceful attitude with the arrival of the second ‘Arif government. The rise of the Ba’th party to power in July 1968 brought an end to Shi’a activism. While the Ba’th maintained cordial relations with al-Hakim between July 1968 and April 1969, relations deteriorated rapidly in June 1969 ending in irrevocable divorce. Following al-Hakim’s death in 1970, Muhammad Baqir al-Ѕadr emerged as the most prominent mujtahid in Najaf. Al-Ѕadr gradually moved from his non-intervention approach to a more radical and revolutionary position after the failure of the Najaf uprising in 1977. Al-Sadr’s action was spontaneous and unplanned, lacking all the requirements needed for making it a successful revolution. It ended with al-Sadr’s execution in April 1980, bringing Iraq to new extended phase under the Ba’th regime.

This thesis examines online journalism in the Kurdistan region of Iraq and its role in political debate in this emerging democracy. It also focuses on the role of the internet in the public sphere, explores the historical context in which Kurdish online journalism has developed and compares mass media in the Kurdistan region to that in other newly democratic countries, in addition to the mass media landscape, human rights conditions and political system in the Kurdistan region and Iraq overall are explored. Data has been collected through in-depth interviewing of journalists, both independent and affiliated with political parties, as well as media academics and other educators. Moreover, as a case study, a qualitative thematic analysis has been carried out on opinion articles in online news sites to search for key themes and messages published and explore the limits of free discussion online. The thesis argues that although there are many barriers to media work and freedom of expression, online journalism in the Kurdistan region is an alternative tool for expression and constitutes a better medium for promoting freedom of speech than mainstream media outlets. It then suggests recommendations for conducting further studies about the development and influences of online journalism and social media on Kurdish society.