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Trans-Atlantic mothers are separated from their families by the vast Atlantic Ocean because they work off-shore. The unique history, culture, and economic circumstances of St Helena contribute a different dimension to developing migration theory. Disparate characteristics such as the remote location geographical location, the small community setting, nationality and the absence of immigration barriers, as well as the historical aspects of British colonisation all make up a distinct context for migration. Whilst some St Helenians are domestic workers in Britain, most work for the British military support services. The militarisation of the South Atlantic after the Falklands War, and the restoration of British citizenship shape mother migration and the feminisation of increased migration outflows. Using qualitative in-depth interviews with a purposive sample of22 migratory working mothers, this 'insider' researcher used a phenomenological approach to analyse their detailed accounts of their migration experiences. The findings show that income differentials, family needs and relative deprivation fuel mother migration. Evidently Trans-Atlantic motherhood is constrained by socio-cultural ideologies but the findings reinforce that mothers who are physically absent, can be emotionally available. The research reveals that regardless of costs and inconvenience, emotional intimacy can be maintained across the distance. Although migratory work transforms the meaning of St Helenian mothering, the study argues that this group of mothers did not 'trade- in' motherhood - they redefined it. Clearly Trans-Atlantic mothers changed the structure of the nuclear family, but strengthened the extended family. The value of kin networks is strong but there is confirmation of matriarchal conflict and the significance of the role of estranged fathers.

This thesis examines aspects of the market for childcare that affect female labour force participation and the use of childcare. The literature review indicates that previous research on the topic has not come to any clear conclusion on the impact of the price of childcare on the labour force participation and the use of childcare of mothers of pre-school age children. I examine the market for childcare in the UK in particular. In the UK, the common complaints made about childcare include the lack of availability and its high price. I study these two topics separately in Chapter 2 and Chapter 3 respectively. The lack of childcare availability is confirmed in Chapter 2 with its finding that there is a large excess demand for childcare in the UK. A topic intertwined with the availability of childcare is the impact of the price of childcare. I estimate the price elasticities with respect to labour force participation and the use of formal childcare in Chapter 3. I find that a lower price for formal childcare would have a significant effect on the labour force participation and the use of childcare of mothers of pre-school age children. The results in Chapter 2 and Chapter 3 may indicate that the market for childcare has failed in the UK. The unsatisfied demand for childcare and the high price for formal childcare that is available are likely to result from a lack of providers in the formal childcare market. Hence it may be necessary to examine whether a subsidy for the producers of childcare can increase the provision of formal childcare and decrease its price to bring the childcare market to an equilibrium. In Chapter 4, I examine whether the methods of childcare financing used in Finland could provide solutions to dealing with the UK childcare problem. In particular I examine the impact of a voucher for privately produced childcare that was adopted in Finland in an experimental setting. I find that, in a market with widely available, low cost public care, the voucher for privately produced childcare has a significant effect on the labour force participation and the use of childcare working through increased availability of private childcare and its lower price.