This thesis evaluates the Union Learning Agenda (ULA) in Wales using Behrens, Hamann and Hurd’s (2004) model of trade union revitalisation. The political, economic, membership and institutional spheres of union learning activity were explored through a mixed-method study that utilised a quantitative survey of 246 ULRs in Wales, alongside interview, observation and documentary research methods. The examination showed that within a political social partnership environment unions extracted resources from government and gained policy influence. The evaluation of workplace activity showed that ULRs were organising broadly defined learning for colleagues, and developing bargaining and consultation with employers over vocational and educational training (VET). Procedural mechanisms were more common where there was employer support for ULR activity and substantive outcomes were greater where procedural mechanisms were in place. Further, ULRs were engaging members through broad rather than narrow definitions of learning, and supporting the development of union-commitment behaviours (Snape and Redman 2004). The ULA was increasing the infrastructural resources, internal solidarity and network embeddedness of trade union institutional capacity (Lévesque and Murray 2010), thereby contributing to trade union revitalisation processes. The thesis contributes to empirical knowledge on the ULA by providing the first analysis of activity in Wales. Secondly, it assessed the content and importance of multi-union and multi-actor activity in ULA networks. The thesis argues that in a context where government and employer support for union involvement is strong, a partnership approach to the ULA can aid union revitalisation not only at the workplace but beyond it.

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This thesis investigated three industries which were largely Birmingham and Black Country trades. Four-fifths of the work is concerned with the brass trades and their trade unions. This work filled the gap of knowledge of the past and present labour conditions in Birmingham and Black Country trades by doing research on written sources and conducting personal enquiry.

The objectives of this thesis are twofold. First, to investigate the link between foreign competition and the decline of unionisation in Britain during the 1980s and early 1990s. Second, to examine the impact of international trade on the wage bargaining strength of trade unions as measured by the union wage gap of individual workers. The study focuses primarily on the manufacturing sector given that it has suffered the heaviest decline in unionisation and is the most tradable and open sector of the UK economy. An important aspect of the thesis is the data used. The empirical analyses are carried out using labour market information from large individual and firm level surveys such as the New Earnings Survey Panel Dataset and the Workplace Industrial Relations Survey matched with industry trade data compiled from the OECD's International Trade by Commodities Statistics. The results demonstrate that foreign competition had, at most, a weak impact on the extent of unionisation in UK manufacturing. It seems more likely that the anti-union policy pursued by Thatcher's Conservative Government restricted the exercise of union power whilst providing employers with the opportunity to reaffirm their prerogatives and marginalize the union movement. On the other hand, we do find that increased openness to international trade served to moderate union wage demands during the 1980s. Although, it would appear that the disciplining effect of foreign competition diminished over time as the union mark up was not adversely affected towards the mid-1990s.

Privatisation (defined as change of ownership and control of State-owned enterprises- SOEs) is a controversial economic and political policy that elicits diverse opinions and academic conclusions on its impact. With regard to its impact on industrial relations, the privatisation literature concludes that in most privatised SOEs, problems anise between unions and management over some important dimensions of the employment relationship. This Author's search of the privatisation literature led to the emergence of two hypotheses, as follows: I. The employment relationship changes in its expression and management in privatised enterprises as a consequence of the change in ownership and control, structure and product market competition arising from privatisation; and, 2. The employment relationship in privatised enterprises changes, not necessarily as a consequence of privatisation, but as a consequence of changes in managerial/corporate strategies, national and firm-level industrial relations policies and other environmental factors not related to privatisation. Data was collected from two privatised finance SOEs and one privatised petroleum SOE in Nigeria to test these hypotheses. Some key findings emerged which differ slightly from the conclusions of the privatisation literature, as represented by these two hypotheses. First, the study concludes that contrary to the conclusion of the privatisation literature, the observed changes in the employment relationship of privatised SOEs are mediated by the different effects of environmental and sectoral factors, economic centrality, the nature of the unions involved in bargaining and the balance of bargaining power between unions and management, as determined by the development context of the country concerned. Secondly, the study concludes that contrary to the conclusions of the privatisation literature, the employment relationship in privatised enterprises changes as a consequence of changes in managerial/corporate strategies and fin-n-level industrial relations strategies directly related to privatisation. These conclusions suggest the need to slightly modify the conclusions of the privatisation literature and theory to take account of the economic, institutional and political differences between developing and developed economies, rather than seek to apply similar theories and conclusions to both development contexts like is currently the case.

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L’étude porte sur la vie de l’Union Départementale de la Loire de la CFTC CFDT. Cette Union Départementale fait partie depuis 1947 de la minorité de la CFTC et sort progressivement du « milieu chrétien » pour intégrer le monde ouvrier. Elle lutte contre la guerre d’Algérie, soutient la déconfessionnalisation de la CFTC, pratique l’unité d’action avec l’UD CGT, beaucoup plus puissante qu’elle. Elle vit avec enthousiasme le mouvement de Mai-Juin 1968 et se réclame des « trois piliers » de la CFDT de 1970. Dans les années 1970, elle tente de susciter et d’appuyer le développement des luttes ouvrières et des différents mouvements de contestation. En 1974, beaucoup de ses militants adhèrent au parti socialisteque certains quittent rapidement.En 1976, l’UD s’oppose à la confédération dans une « contribution » sur la transition au socialisme rejetée au congrès d’Annecy. De même, elle s’oppose au « recentrage » de 1978, avant d’accepter la « resyndicalisation » en 1979.Mais depuis 1974, l’UD fait face à la crise économique qui entraîne chômage et désyndicalisation à partir de 1977. Cette crise empire dans les années 1980 avec la rupture avec l’UD CGT et des conflits internes et avec la confédération l’amenant à l’inaction. En 1987, l’élection d’un nouveau secrétaire général permet un retour à l’action, mais l’UD reste incapable incapable de conduire des actions de masse. La thèse se propose de rechercher dans l’évolution de la confédération et la vie de l’UD, les éléments qui permettent de comprendre son développement de 1944 à 1973 et la criseprofonde qu’elle connaît dans les années 1980. / The study focuses on the life of the “Union Departementale” (“UD”) of the Loire CFDT CFTC. This “UD” since 1947 has been part of the minority of the CFTC and gradually left the Christian community to integrate the working classes. It has fought against the war in Algeria, supported the secularization of the CFTC, worked together with the DU CGT, which wasmuch more powerful than itself. It has supported with enthusiasm the May-June 1968 movement and called for "three pillars" of the CFDT in 1970. In the 1970s, it has tried to encourage and support the development of workers' struggles and the various protest movements. In 1974, many of its militants have joined the socialist party that some left quickly afterwards.In 1976, the “UD” has opposed to the confederation in a "contribution" for the transition to socialism rejected at the Annecy conference. Similarly, it has opposed to the "refocusing" of 1978, before accepting the "re-unionization" in 1979.But since 1974, the “UD” has faced the economic crisis causing unemployment and deunionization starting in 1977. This crisis has worsened in the 1980s with the break with the “UD” CGT and internal conflicts with the confederation bringing it to inaction. In 1987, the election of a new Secretary General has marked a return to action, but the “UD” has remainedunable to conduct mass actions.The thesis proposes to look into the evolution of the confederation and the life of the “UD”, the elements for understanding its development from 1944 to 1973 and its deep crisis in the 1980s.