One of three core arguments presented in this thesis suggests that many people accepted the view that Trident was a necessary contributor to national security. The promise of sustained employment in Scotland was a second reason to accept Trident. Finally, the Scottish people did not actively oppose Trident because they had become familiar with Polaris. Chapter One discusses the experiences of Strathclyde communities and those local governments near Faslane and Coulport. Chapter Two is concerned with the experiences of Fife communities and those local governments in proximity to Rosyth Royal Dockyard. The third chapter will discuss the Scottish political dimensions of Trident and evaluates the pressures that the disarmament issue implied for the various parties. Chapter Four reveals the various reactions of seven components within Scottish civil society to Trident's procurement. Chapter Five investigates the disarmament movement's experience with Trident in Scotland. Chapter Six presents the conclusions of this study. Official printed sources employed in this thesis include Defence Committee reports, Notices of Proposed Development and case-studies from the National Audit Office. Other documents included Strathclyde Region Council's 1983 Coulport Inquiry, and literature from the SCND, the Nuclear Free Local Authorities and the Scottish Trades Union Congress. This research also uses council minutes, environmental impact assessments and several hundred clippings from local newspapers. Furthermore, oral and written testimony served to fill numerous historical gaps. Numerous interviews and correspondences involved government officials, British MPs and MSPs, members of the Scottish media and the STUC, Faslane shop stewards, along with members of Scotland's religious community, the disarmament movement and everyday citizens.