This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.

This study argues that 'new' ways of speaking about the nature and status of women are evident in the literary record of late seventeenth century England, particularly in the writings of Mary Astell (1666-1731). Writing to oppose the natural rights-based political theory of the 'Father of Modern Liberalism', John Locke, Astell employed the secular, rationalist, individualistic language which Locke himself used to argue the equal human dignity of women with men. Hers was the first unequivocal plea made by an English writer. The subject of this study is the provenance of these new modes of thinking about women. The result of a survey of primary sources, dating primarily from the period 1600-1700, it first seeks to show that seventeenth century England inherited a 'traditional' notion of women and their status from antiquity; scriptural, philosophical and empirical evidence of women's moral and intellectual equality with men coexisted uneasily with the consensual notion that they were men's subordinates. This notion survived the Continental and English Reformations to be incorporated into the theology of both the Church of England and the Puritans alike. Thinking and writing about women took place in the context of an 'ideology of order', wherein individuals were considered solely in relation to society and in terms of their obligations and status. It is then argued that the paradox of women's equal humanity and subordinate status first received serious interrogation during the political crises of 1640-1660. Radical Protestants, who placed the individual believer - male or female - at the centre of religious life, allowed women to participate to an unprecedented degree in worship. The potential of radical Protestantism to challenge the traditional subordination of women was obvious in the political theory of the 'Levellers', who secularised religious individualism to produce a programme of democratic reform. The invisibility of women in this proto-liberal programme is given special attention here. The paradox inherent in the traditional notion of woman was thrown into sharp relief, furthermore, in the course of the political debates between royalists and parliamentarians during the Civil War; both sides attempted to liken the relationship between king and people to that between husband and wife. The marriage analogue served to highlight the gap which was opening between political analysis and the justifications for the subordination for women. Finally, it is argued that renewed political crisis in the last two decades of the century saw the introduction of secular individualism to English political thought, reinforced with the 'new' metaphysics of Descartes. John Locke considered that since individuals constructed society for their own ends, they could resist government where these were not being served. Yet as Astell pointed out, Locke fell back upon the traditional assumption that women ought to be subordinated in this society to men. She adopted the new metaphysics to show not only that Locke's political conclusions were wrong and dangerous, but also to show that women, their subordinate social status notwithstanding, were of equal dignity and worth to men. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

Throughout the Western democracies since 1945, many Socialist and Labour Parties have apparently emulated organisationally their more conservative and often more successful middle-class rivals and have experienced what L.D. Epstein has termed 'contagion from the right'. This thesis sets out to examine this proposition in relation to what happened between 1949 and 1970 to the New Zealand Labour Party, specifically in the twenty-two electorates which, at the time of the 1969 election, comprised the Auckland Region of the Party. Data was gathered by a variety of methods which included the use of four different questionnaires; interviews; correspondence with all the Labour Members of Parliament in the Region; exhaustive research into Head Office records, which included membership returns, annual financial statements from branches, correspondence files, Conference records, and N.Z. Executive minutes; detailed examination of branch minute books; the utilisation of the records of the Auckland Regional Council, the defunct Auckland Labour Representation Committee, and various electorate organisations; and field and participant observation. A variety of approaches was used also in processing and presenting the data: descriptive, quantitative, comparative, and deductive. Part I describes and analyses the quantitative and qualitative changes in structure, composition and functioning that took place between 1949 and 1970. Part II compares the white-collar with the manual-worker branches, members, and activists in 1969 and 1970, Throughout, there is an attempt to explain what caused the various changes and to suggest what happens to a Labour Party as its membership becomes more white-collar in composition. The Appendices, which are contained in a second volume, include detailed statistical tables and figures and copies of the four questionnaires. Volume II also contains the Bibliography. It was found that, in response to the changing realities of its social, economic, and political environment, the N.Z.L.P. had altered considerably in the period studied. The changes were not mimetic but organic. The society changed dramatically. The composition of the Party - first at the Parliamentary level and later at the primary level - inevitably and at first imperceptibly changed also. The white-collar proportion of the Labour Party's membership in the Region studied rose from 15 per cent in 1949 to 51 per cent in 1970. The Party at the grass-roots level functioned mare and more in ways related exclusively to winning elections and showed a declining concern with ancillary social and solidarity considerations. Membership, branch meeting activity, and fundraising at the branch level, all declined dramatically. Significantly, branch activity increased only in regard to Annual Conference participation. The changes in society, which led to a change in the composition and policies of the Party, in turn altered the ways in which the Party functioned. Subsequently reluctant recognition of those changes resulted in an increasingly conscious attempt to formally restructure the Party in the direction it was being carried. The major conclusion reached in this dissertation is that a political party, if the N.Z.L.P. can be taken as an example of a more general trend, is so inextricably interdependent with its social environment that significant changes in society must inevitably be reflected in the composition of the Party and in the ways in which the Party functions. Those changes in composition and functioning in part constitute and in part impel both attitudinal and organisational changes which amount to a continuing transformation of the Party itself to accord with the new social realities.

This thesis is an exploratory study of women's attitudes to political issues. The thesis poses the broad questions of what is the range of women's attitudes to specific issues, what patterns are there to women's attitudes and how well do traditional political categories describe women's attitudes? Attitudes of women to five civil rights or moral policy issues censorship, corporal punishment, the death penalty, abortion and homosexual law reform - are examined and the way women identify themselves in terms of feminism and the left-right spectrum is also discussed. A feminist approach is adopted and focus group interviewing is the methodology which is used for the study. Some of the labels used to describe attitudes to political issues and political identification are discussed. The way the women interpret the labels of left and right and feminism are examined and patterns of self-identification with these political terms are looked at. The attitudes expressed by the women to the five policy issues are categorised according to libertarian, liberal, conservative, neo-conservative, authoritarian or humanitarian labels. The patterns of attitudes and identification are explored. The findings are that diversity and plurality characterise the women's views. Their opinions cover almost the whole range of views on the five issues, they respond differently to the use of the left-right spectrum and the label of feminism, and almost every woman demonstrates an ideological profile which is uniquely her own. There are some similarities among the women, but patterns cannot be easily identified using the traditional political labels. There is also an assessment made of the value of the focus group methodology which has been used rarely in political science. The thesis ends by posing more questions. The adequacy of the liberal and conservative categories for classifying attitudes is raised and there are questions about whether the focus group interview method is gender specific.

This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.

This study argues that 'new' ways of speaking about the nature and status of women are evident in the literary record of late seventeenth century England, particularly in the writings of Mary Astell (1666-1731). Writing to oppose the natural rights-based political theory of the 'Father of Modern Liberalism', John Locke, Astell employed the secular, rationalist, individualistic language which Locke himself used to argue the equal human dignity of women with men. Hers was the first unequivocal plea made by an English writer. The subject of this study is the provenance of these new modes of thinking about women. The result of a survey of primary sources, dating primarily from the period 1600-1700, it first seeks to show that seventeenth century England inherited a 'traditional' notion of women and their status from antiquity; scriptural, philosophical and empirical evidence of women's moral and intellectual equality with men coexisted uneasily with the consensual notion that they were men's subordinates. This notion survived the Continental and English Reformations to be incorporated into the theology of both the Church of England and the Puritans alike. Thinking and writing about women took place in the context of an 'ideology of order', wherein individuals were considered solely in relation to society and in terms of their obligations and status. It is then argued that the paradox of women's equal humanity and subordinate status first received serious interrogation during the political crises of 1640-1660. Radical Protestants, who placed the individual believer - male or female - at the centre of religious life, allowed women to participate to an unprecedented degree in worship. The potential of radical Protestantism to challenge the traditional subordination of women was obvious in the political theory of the 'Levellers', who secularised religious individualism to produce a programme of democratic reform. The invisibility of women in this proto-liberal programme is given special attention here. The paradox inherent in the traditional notion of woman was thrown into sharp relief, furthermore, in the course of the political debates between royalists and parliamentarians during the Civil War; both sides attempted to liken the relationship between king and people to that between husband and wife. The marriage analogue served to highlight the gap which was opening between political analysis and the justifications for the subordination for women. Finally, it is argued that renewed political crisis in the last two decades of the century saw the introduction of secular individualism to English political thought, reinforced with the 'new' metaphysics of Descartes. John Locke considered that since individuals constructed society for their own ends, they could resist government where these were not being served. Yet as Astell pointed out, Locke fell back upon the traditional assumption that women ought to be subordinated in this society to men. She adopted the new metaphysics to show not only that Locke's political conclusions were wrong and dangerous, but also to show that women, their subordinate social status notwithstanding, were of equal dignity and worth to men. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

Throughout the Western democracies since 1945, many Socialist and Labour Parties have apparently emulated organisationally their more conservative and often more successful middle-class rivals and have experienced what L.D. Epstein has termed 'contagion from the right'. This thesis sets out to examine this proposition in relation to what happened between 1949 and 1970 to the New Zealand Labour Party, specifically in the twenty-two electorates which, at the time of the 1969 election, comprised the Auckland Region of the Party. Data was gathered by a variety of methods which included the use of four different questionnaires; interviews; correspondence with all the Labour Members of Parliament in the Region; exhaustive research into Head Office records, which included membership returns, annual financial statements from branches, correspondence files, Conference records, and N.Z. Executive minutes; detailed examination of branch minute books; the utilisation of the records of the Auckland Regional Council, the defunct Auckland Labour Representation Committee, and various electorate organisations; and field and participant observation. A variety of approaches was used also in processing and presenting the data: descriptive, quantitative, comparative, and deductive. Part I describes and analyses the quantitative and qualitative changes in structure, composition and functioning that took place between 1949 and 1970. Part II compares the white-collar with the manual-worker branches, members, and activists in 1969 and 1970, Throughout, there is an attempt to explain what caused the various changes and to suggest what happens to a Labour Party as its membership becomes more white-collar in composition. The Appendices, which are contained in a second volume, include detailed statistical tables and figures and copies of the four questionnaires. Volume II also contains the Bibliography. It was found that, in response to the changing realities of its social, economic, and political environment, the N.Z.L.P. had altered considerably in the period studied. The changes were not mimetic but organic. The society changed dramatically. The composition of the Party - first at the Parliamentary level and later at the primary level - inevitably and at first imperceptibly changed also. The white-collar proportion of the Labour Party's membership in the Region studied rose from 15 per cent in 1949 to 51 per cent in 1970. The Party at the grass-roots level functioned mare and more in ways related exclusively to winning elections and showed a declining concern with ancillary social and solidarity considerations. Membership, branch meeting activity, and fundraising at the branch level, all declined dramatically. Significantly, branch activity increased only in regard to Annual Conference participation. The changes in society, which led to a change in the composition and policies of the Party, in turn altered the ways in which the Party functioned. Subsequently reluctant recognition of those changes resulted in an increasingly conscious attempt to formally restructure the Party in the direction it was being carried. The major conclusion reached in this dissertation is that a political party, if the N.Z.L.P. can be taken as an example of a more general trend, is so inextricably interdependent with its social environment that significant changes in society must inevitably be reflected in the composition of the Party and in the ways in which the Party functions. Those changes in composition and functioning in part constitute and in part impel both attitudinal and organisational changes which amount to a continuing transformation of the Party itself to accord with the new social realities.

This thesis is an exploratory study of women's attitudes to political issues. The thesis poses the broad questions of what is the range of women's attitudes to specific issues, what patterns are there to women's attitudes and how well do traditional political categories describe women's attitudes? Attitudes of women to five civil rights or moral policy issues censorship, corporal punishment, the death penalty, abortion and homosexual law reform - are examined and the way women identify themselves in terms of feminism and the left-right spectrum is also discussed. A feminist approach is adopted and focus group interviewing is the methodology which is used for the study. Some of the labels used to describe attitudes to political issues and political identification are discussed. The way the women interpret the labels of left and right and feminism are examined and patterns of self-identification with these political terms are looked at. The attitudes expressed by the women to the five policy issues are categorised according to libertarian, liberal, conservative, neo-conservative, authoritarian or humanitarian labels. The patterns of attitudes and identification are explored. The findings are that diversity and plurality characterise the women's views. Their opinions cover almost the whole range of views on the five issues, they respond differently to the use of the left-right spectrum and the label of feminism, and almost every woman demonstrates an ideological profile which is uniquely her own. There are some similarities among the women, but patterns cannot be easily identified using the traditional political labels. There is also an assessment made of the value of the focus group methodology which has been used rarely in political science. The thesis ends by posing more questions. The adequacy of the liberal and conservative categories for classifying attitudes is raised and there are questions about whether the focus group interview method is gender specific.

This thesis examines the concept and practice of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of cultural manifestations for a variety of purposes. The thesis examines aspects of the cultural diplomacy of Canada, Québec, New Zealand and India in order to investigate how cultural diplomacy presents a national image abroad (potentially as part of a national brand); its role in the protection of cultural sovereignty; and how it advances domestic objectives. The thesis argues that cultural diplomacy, in presenting a national image abroad, frequently emphasises a state’s modern-ness or its cultural distinctiveness. This raises the question of the link between national image and national brand and highlights the limitations inherent in national branding. For some states, cultural diplomacy plays a role in the protection of cultural sovereignty. Canadian cultural diplomacy supports the international activities of domestic cultural industries and has sought to maintain the right to provide this support within the multilateral free trade framework. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has sought to protect the province’s cultural sovereignty from a perceived threat from the Canadian federation. Cultural diplomacy helps advance domestic objectives. The cultural diplomacy of Canada has asserted the right of the federal government to be Canada’s only diplomatic voice, and to counter Québec’s claims to sovereignty. Québec’s cultural diplomacy has asserted the province’s constitutional rights and distinctiveness within the Canadian federation. In a similar way, the international exhibition Te Maori advanced the interests of Maori in New Zealand. Cultural diplomacy’s domestic impacts include positive international recognition for a state’s culture, which contributes to a state’s sense of being a distinctive national community and to its confidence, economic prosperity and nation-building. The thesis concludes that cultural diplomacy remains a valuable tool of diplomacy and is likely to become more important to governments, particularly to their public diplomacy and as a contributor to soft power, because of cultural diplomacy’s promulgation of a distinctive national identity, the increasing importance of a cultural aspect in economic interests, and the intrinsic appeal of culture to globalised populations.

The main achievement of this thesis has been the development of an operational system dynamics model of the Indonesian energy system. This model attempts to integrate a wide range of data so that policy-makers can understand the connections between economic, environmental and energy policy objectives. This is the first such model to be developed for Indonesia, building on previous modelling efforts that have been restricted to regression-based forecasting and optimisation modelling. The first part of the thesis provides a systematic analysis of background data, information and the context for the model development. These chapters review the historical and political context of energy developments in Indonesia; review past energy policies as well as emerging energy policy objectives; analyse the determinants of energy demand (by regression and divisia decomposition methods) and review energy supply options. The regression analysis concluded that GDP and household income had the most significant effect on energy demand. The effect of fuel price rises, on the other hand, did not exert a significant effect on energy demand. The divisia decomposition method found that, over the entire Indonesian economy, technical change was found to give a greater contribution to energy efficiency improvements (as measured by the energy:GDP ratio) than structural changes. The system dynamics model was developed and validated using the extensive data collected, refined and analysed in the first part of the thesis. The model consisted of an economic module (17 sector input-output model), energy demand module, electric power module, heat and transport fuel module, primary energy supply module and an environmental module. Five scenarios were developed from this model in order to analyse possible energy development pathways for Indonesia, over the 1998-2020 period. These scenarios reflected five themes Business-as-Usual, Environmentally Beneficial, Economic Efficiency, Self-Sufficiency and Balancing Trade-Offs. These scenarios were assessed using a number of policy evaluation criteria to measure various energy, economic and environmental policy objectives. All of these scenarios indicated that Indonesia's energy demand and hence CO2 emissions will grow significantly over the scenario period, even if Indonesia introduces some quite stringent polices to restrict these trends - eg, CO2 emissions are expected to increase by 189% under the 'Business-as-Usual' scenario; and even though they can be reduced to a 85% increase under the 'Environmentally Beneficial' scenario, this is still a significant and somewhat alarming increase in CO2 emissions. The scenarios also highlighted the trade-offs between different sets of policy objectives as an aid to energy planning and policy-making. Finally, further areas of research that could improve the model and its use were identified: improving the data on energy supply and demand (particularly the end-use characterisation), endogenise the economic growth dynamics into the model rather than depending on regression analysis, possibly converting the input-output structure into a computable general equilibrium model, including more sectoral detail, making the model at least partly spatially-specific, and investigating more participatory approaches for further developing the model so as to enhance its uptake.