The Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government of 2010-2015 oversaw profound change in the nature of social citizenship - the right of the citizen to enjoy, and the duty of the state to ensure, a minimum acceptable standard of living. At the level of the UK government, the evolution of social citizenship has been driven by the principle (also central to New Labour social security policy) that paid employment is the best means of ensuring one's economic welfare and that labour market participation should, for most, be a precondition to accessing social protection. Consequently, conditions associated with the receipt of benefit have been tightened and extended to a wider range of claimant groups, penalties for non-compliance stiffened and the level of many benefits reduced. The rise of the workerist model is illustrated by an examination of the increasing conditionalisation of access to social security for lone parents, a group that until 2007 was largely exempt from compulsory 'welfare-to-work' programmes. Meanwhile, in Scotland and Northern Ireland, pressure has grown for greater devolution of social citizenship through meaningful regional control of social security, the main social right of citizenship to remain effectively centralised in 2010. Through qualitative interviews with elite actors in both regions, the thesis explores possible drivers of demand for regionalisation, including dissatisfaction with UK-Ievel developments, differences in ideologies of social citizenship and the specific circumstances of Scotland and Northern Ireland. Consideration is given to the extent to which divergence in social security policy and regionalisation of social citizenship are likely outcomes. Given the importance of opposition to aspects of coalition welfare reform policy and the associated austerity agenda in stimulating regional discontent, it is concluded that the processes of evolution and devolution are intimately linked, and are likely to remain so as further controversial policies are pursued by the new Conservative government.

This research explores the narratives and narrative resources connected to the search for a missing parent (SMP) undertaken by people not previously recognised as searchers. Methods used are autoethnography, friendship as inquiry, writing as inquiry and fictional representations. Main research question is How do people who have searched for a missing parent create and to tell meaningful stories? What resources do they call upon? The findings identified several dominant narratives about the search for a missing parent- the narratives of search, bad place, missing piece, best interests of a child, happy ending and silence. These narratives sustain processes of marginalisation and stigmatisation of lived experience which doesn't fit in dominant narrative frameworks. This can have adverse effects on searcher, as five stories of personal experience demonstrate. The inquiry in personal narratives identified that stories of lived experience critique and challenge the state of things offered by dominant narratives and engage in resistance and critique of available stories. The personal stories were also written in order to encourage reader to think with them (Frank, 1994) and through that process critically examine their own convictions about the SMP. Juxtaposition of the personal and dominant stories outlined the need for more narratives which would empower and support searcher. The new narratives were then written up. Original contributions to knowledge arising from this research are: challenge to the concept of search as exclusively belonging to adoption studies; identifying processes of marginalisation and stigmatisation arising from dominant narratives and offering these as alternative explanatory frameworks for searcher's behaviours; demonstrating how stories of lived experience critique dominant narrative landscape and providing new narratives of search inspired by personal experiences as means to empower searchers. This research is the most relevant for fields of adoption studies, family studies and socio psychological narrative inquiry.

This study comprises an analysis of the attitudes and perceptions of Libyan migrants in the UK concerning domestic violence against women (DVAW). It is exploratory as well as explanatory in nature and is one of very few studies of gender violence with regard to Libya or Libyan migrant communities to date. It aims to understand how cultural, religious and social factors can interact, leading to women’s subordination. The research, on which the study is based, consists of a questionnaire survey administered to a sample of 175 migrants (108 women and 67 men) mainly in Greater Manchester as well as in Leeds. Twenty semi-structured interviews were carried out with 13 women and 7 men: these enabled deeper insight into respondents’ frames of reference, opinions and understandings. The topics explored in the survey and the semi-structured interviews included definitions and conceptions of DVAW; perceptions of causes of DVAW [for instance economic deprivation or control, or general social attitudes, or socialisation processes]; justifications given for DVAW; perceptions of the prevalence of DVAW, and the impact of migration to the UK on attitudes towards DVAW. Various socio-demographic factors were tested in the survey sample to ascertain how important these independent variables were in shaping expressed attitudes. Of these, gender and educational levels were the most important, as well as previous residence in Libya (e.g. large cities vs. small towns). In the semi-structured interviews gender differences in attitudes toward violence also emerged, as well as a general tendency to perceive violence as a private matter. The study took a feminist standpoint, arguing that explanations of DVAW should centre on gendered social arrangements and power. It used both analysis of patriarchal systems and the idea of ‘gender order’ as frames for analysis, finding that DVAW draws upon household and wider power and control. Gendered power relations in Libyan communities are structured by the premise of male domination in micro and macro levels. One of the findings of the study is that migration to and length of time spent in the UK has not substantially altered attitudes to DVAW among migrants, although women’s attitudes have shifted more than men’s, particularly among better-educated, urban and divorced women. This points to the persistence of systems of gender subordination within Libyan families and communities.

In the wake of riots in towns and cities across England in 2011, the UK coalition government launched the Troubled Families Programme, which aimed to ‘turn around’ the lives of the most troublesome and anti-social families in England by the end of their term of office. In a new iteration of the ‘underclass’ thesis, ‘troubled families’ were held responsible for a wide range of societal ills, with intensive work with families identified as the solution to the problems they allegedly caused. This thesis examines the construction of ‘troubled families’ as an official social problem, drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu and scholars who have extended and developed his work. Despite being arguably the most influential sociologist of the last fifty years, and with a critical interest in issues of power and the reproduction of inequalities, Bourdieu’s extensive body of work has not been well utilised by social work and social policy academics outside of France. This study, then, represents an original contribution to both the development of Bourdieu’s work since his death, and to social policy and social work research in the UK. The Troubled Families Programme is conceptualised as a policy field and a three-stage approach to operationalizing Bourdieu’s theory of practice is utilised in the study. The history and emergence of the ‘troubled families’ label is examined, using previous academic work, government documents, speeches and media reports. Interviews with thirty-nine workers, managers and directors involved with the delivery and implementation of the Troubled Families Programme have been carried out, providing a ‘street-level’ perspective of the ‘troubled families’ field. Finally, the tools used in carrying out the research and constructing the research object are turned on the research itself, in a process of participant objectivation, highlighting the structural constraints and forces that influence the production of the study and, ultimately, the thesis.

Sociological and economic bargaining theories have different predictions on how women's economic status - primarily women's employment - affects their risk of partner violence. These competing predictions were mirrored in a systematic review of published evidence from low and middle income countries. Increasingly researchers from North America and Europe are highlighting that there exists different forms of partner violence, and that the relationship with women's economic status may not be the same depending on the form. Currently there is limited in-depth exploration of the forms of partner violence and their relationship with women's economic status in sub-Saharan Africa. This thesis fills this gap in knowledge by exploring this relationship in two contrasting Tanzania settings: Dar es Salaam and Mbeya. An existing household survey data and primary qualitative interviews with women market traders were analysed. This study found that partner violence broadly divided into three groups that did not differ by study setting: moderate physical violence; sexual dominance; and severe abuse. Women who experienced severe abuse were most likely to have experienced high intensity emotional aggression, controlling behaviour, poorer health outcomes, and to have sought help. While there was no compelling evidence on the relationship between women's economic status and partner violence in Mbeya, there was suggestive evidence of an increased risk in Dar es Salaam. In both sites, partners' 'refusal to give their wives money' was the single most predictive risk factor of partner violence. Qualitative interviews found that men's insufficient financial provision for the household was a strong motive for women to enter into paid employment, and in doing so, mitigated one major source of conflict in the household - negotiating over money. This thesis also sheds light on the limitations of current sociological and economic bargaining theories, suggests future research priorities, and discusses the implications for women's economic empowerment programmes.

Domestic violence and abuse (DVA) is experienced by one in four women in the UK, and research suggests that most survivors will access support from people in their social networks. Support from these relatives, friends and colleagues has the potential to buffer against effects on the survivor's physical and mental health, and has been shown to be protective against future abuse. There has, however, been an absence of research directly studying members of survivors' networks, to consider how impacts of OVA might diffuse to affect them. The research undertaken fills this gap by exploring the impacts on the health and wellbeing of members of the survivor's social network. A systematic literature review was undertaken, the generated themes from which formed the basis of a topic guide for qualitative interviews conducted with people in a variety of close relationships with a survivor. A thematic analysis of the narratives was conducted, and five major themes emerged : psychological & emotional impacts, physical health impacts, direct perpetrator impacts, relationship impacts and practical impacts. Not all of the impacts were negative, but it was generally clear that a great deal was being shouldered by adults close to the survivors, and that tolls were multifaceted, potentially profound, and often long-term. Certain factors appeared to mediate impacts experienced, including the supporter's gender, the closeness of relationship between supporter and survivor, the severity of abuse experienced by the survivor, and whether or not the survivor had children. Participants also described the extent to which their experiences mirrored that of survivors, albeit to a lesser degree. Currently there is little, if any, support available which is directly aimed at friends, family members and colleagues of survivors. These findings therefore have practical and policy implications, so that the needs of informal supporters are both recognised and met.

Costs of the U.K. summer riots of 2011 are estimated at over £100 million (Hawkes, Garside & Kollewe, 2011). Poor parenting was viewed as one of the main reasons for the riots. The high costs associated with problematic and antisocial child behaviour has led to an increased interest in parenting within u.K. policy and agendas (AlIen, 2011a). Health economics is an application of the discipline of economics and has grown from Welfarism and Extra Welfarism. Health economists have developed standard methods of evaluation to meet the evidence requirements of publicly funded health care systems facing the need for constrained choice. These standard methods are limited when it comes to measuring benefits where the direct beneficiaries are children. The aim of this thesis was to assess the different approaches required to conduct an economic evaluation of a complex intervention in which the principal beneficiaries are young children, using the Incredible Years (IY) Toddler and Basic Parenting Programmes as case studies (Webster-Stratton, 1984; 2008). It explored previous evidence in the form of a literature review and methodological issues in the fOtID of micro-costing, cost-consequence, costeffectiveness and social return on investment analyses. The thesis also explored the issue of externalities in the form of assessing outcomes for parents and longterm outcomes.

The main aim of this study was to gain an in-depth understanding of wife abuse in Libya and to identify its mental health impacts on abused women accessing mental health services. Seven topics were explored: the main forms of violence perpetrated against wives; women's help-seeking behaviour; the impact of violence on women's mental health; negative feelings and low functioning in abused women; women's vulnerability to further abuse; women's use of mental health services, and the views of mental health professionals on wife abuse. A qualitative study based on semi-structured interviews was conducted with 40 female participants accessing mental health services. A further five interviews were undertaken with mental health professionals. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data and explore the issues mentioned above. The study adopted an integrated theoretical framework, drawing on feminist perspectives and the social model of mental health, to interpret the causes of wife abuse and understand its mental health impacts. It was found that wife abuse exists in Libya and can include physical, sexual, emotional, and economic abuse, as well as neglect. Exposure to marital violence has a detrimental impact on women's mental health, including negative feelings, low functioning, and becoming more vulnerable to further abuse. Although most participants sought and received mental health services, the majority were left unsatisfied. Clinicians recognise the prevalence and detrimental effects of wife abuse m Libya but some expressed reluctance to intervene due to perceptions about family life. Reasons for not routinely asking women about abuse included lack of education in or experience of screening, limited time, and the fear of endangering patients through possible reprisals. Wife abuse in Libya remains a concern, as it is not addressed as a serious public health issue. Protection from abuse, legal advice, healthcare and social services remain inadequate. The victims of wife abuse who took part in this study hope to receive protection from abuse, as well as adequate legal advice, healthcare, social services and financial assistance by the state to improve their quality of their life and, in turn, their mental health.

This study contributes to research and debates about family support and social work with children in need, and looks at the contribution and impact of family support services provided to children under 13 years and their families after they approached a social services department for help and support under section 17 of the 1989 Children Act. These are under-researched yet important aspects of policy and practice.

This thesis brings together my published works focused upon the themes of families, care and protection . It contains empirical studies, a co - authored book, academic articles and a narrative drawing together the themes