Aim: During the transition into adulthood, emerging adulthood is characterised by continuous identity negotiations. However, for young people with learning disabilities (LD) the LD identity may overshadow the development of other important identities (Burns, 1993; 2000). The effect of the LD identity on how young people negotiate and understand sexual and gender identities during this key developmental stage requires further exploration (Beart, Hardy, & Buchan, 2005). This study conducted an in-depth exploration of young people and their carers' experiences of understanding and negotiating the development of sexual and gender identity alongside the LD identity. Methods: Four young people with LD and four of their carers were interviewed. The data were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. Results: Three master themes emerged concerning young people and their carers' struggle for an 'as normal as possible' adult identity; struggle to develop sexual identity as a 'normal' identity; and struggle to develop gender identity as a 'normal' identity, in the context of the overshadowing LD identity. Conclusions: Despite young people's position that they should be enabled to develop sexual and gender identities as part of their transition to adulthood, they faced many obstacles, including stigma related to their LD. Carers described their challenges in proactively supporting sexual and gender identity education and exploration, due to concerns about risk. Equality and protection need 110t be either/or priorities. Initiatives to support young people to explore their sexuality safely require funding and service. support to extend the work they do (Denny, 2013; lones, 2011). There remains need for considerable change in UK practice and policy if the principles of rights, independence, choice and inclusion espoused in Valuing People and Valuing People Now (Department of Health, 2001; 2009) are to be met in relation sexual and gender identity development in people with LD as they transition to adulthood.

This research focused on migrants in England and their perceptions of and response to flood risk. Robertson (2004) found ethnic minority groups with flood experience abroad had lower risk perceptions in the UK, which negatively affected their engagement with risk communication. Studies also indicated weak intergenerational transmission of risk attitudes between migrant generations (Bonin et al. 2010). This had not been explored in relation to South Asian migrants, their risk perceptions and response to flood risk in England and whether there is intergenerational transmission of flood risk perceptions and indigenous flood knowledge or whether this is gendered. The impact of and response to disasters may be gendered due to the enforcement of social and gender roles within ethnic communities in the developing world (Bradshaw, 2013). This had not been explored in relation to how these issues may affect the practical response to flooding in England. This research aimed to address these gaps in the literature and explored how the different aspects of an individual’s identity such as being a migrant, being a first or second generation migrant and their gender influenced their understanding of and response to flood risk and knowledge in England. The research applied an intersectional lens to explore how flood risk is understood, communicated and acted upon. Quantitative research methods were used to identify flood prone locations with diverse migrant communities. The study locations selected were Perry Barr, Birmingham and Ravensthorpe, Dewsbury. Questionnaire surveys were conducted to locate and recruit participants and provide an indication of issues to be explored further in the main qualitative research which involved one to one interviews. The research found first generation migrants with flood experience abroad perceived flooding in England as a ‘bit of water’ and did not take flood risk or response seriously. Although the interviews were about floods and risk, what emerged as a ‘risk’ and a concern amongst South Asian migrants was not physical risks such as flooding but wider social processes as risk, in particular the westernisation of women. Thus floods in the context of this research revealed wider social and communication issues (Enarson & Morrow, 1998). The perceived risk of westernisation to the honour of the family meant a subsequent enforcement of gender norms under patriarchal control and this influenced whether women had a voice in the home. An acculturation gap led to intergenerational conflict and the devaluation of knowledge amongst generations. The revelation of these wider issues provided an insight into the intergenerational communication of flood risk and knowledge, and how individuals could and could not respond to flood risk. First generation, uneducated women are dependent on men in a flood event, whilst educated migrant women have the power to advise their family. Educated adolescent women are bounded by their gender and age, and although they have knowledge on flood risk response, conflict limits their communication with grandparents who do not value their opinion. The study found there is intergenerational communication about flood experiences abroad, however, perceptions of flood risk are not transmitted intergenerationally. Instead the flood risk perceptions of second generation migrants are influenced by inter and intra generational communication about flood experiences in England, because although second generation migrants listen to their elders about flood risk, they believe their experience and knowledge from abroad to be irrelevant in the UK. The intersectional lens focusing on migrants, generations and gender and how they intersect in the flood risk context provides a new insight into the complexity of how flood risk and knowledge may be constructed and transmitted. These findings contribute to knowledge on flood risk and perceptions of risk and are important as migrant numbers and ethnic diversity in England continue to grow along with flood frequency, potentially increasing the number of individuals vulnerable to flooding.

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Étant donné que les catastrophes sont un phénomène spatial, l’application de systèmes d’information géographique (SIG) est un outil pratique et fiable pour le processus de réduction des risques de catastrophe (RRC). Les SIG peuvent servir le processus de RRC en tant que base de données pour la collecte et l’intégration de données, ainsi que pour l’incorporation de données multi‐sources, en tant que systèmes d’observation, en tant qu’outil pour la production de cartes de risques, en tant que calculateur d’exposition, constructeur de modèles déterminant les vulnérabilités des éléments, en temps quasi réel, traqueur de crise, etc… Mais ces applications SIG ont été intégrées de manière inégale à travers les différentes phases du cycle de RRC. De plus, l'utilisation efficace de ces technologies nécessite des recherches et des développements plus poussés, en particulier dans les pays en développement où de nombreux obstacles entravent l'utilisation des SIG pour la protection civile. Cette tâche devient encore plus compliquée au niveau local en région rurale comme dans notre zone d’étude Baalbek‐Hermel, Gouvernorat du Liban. Le manque de ressources humaines et financières et des données spatiales critiques lacunaires limitent l’utilisation des SIG pour améliorer la décision en matière de RRC ? Dans quelle mesure le SIG pourrait‐il être efficace dans les actions de RRC dans un pays en développement comme le Liban, où le nombre d’enjeux exposés augmentent sans cesse et où le gouvernement a d'autres priorités urgentes que de s'engager dans un plan de RRC? Plusieurs études de cas menées à Baalbek‐Hermel servent à tester les hypothèses retenues et à discuter de l’adoption et de l’adaptation de techniques SIG afin de les rendre efficaces et capables de servir tout le cycle de RRC ; évaluation des dangers, de la vulnérabilité et des dommages, planification d’urgence et d’évacuation, systèmes d’alerte précoce, zonage des terres, données en temps quasi réel pour l’intervention, rétablissement et renforcement de la résilience. Les défis posés par le déploiement de ces technologies SIG dans chacune des phases susmentionnées du cycle de la RRC et la manière dont ils peuvent être surmontés sont discutés, en considérant les approches autochtones pour l’application de technologies et d’innovations en matière de RRC. Les résultats de cette thèse offrent le potentiel de surmonter certains des obstacles qui entravent l'utilisation des SIG pour une RRC efficace dans les pays en développement. Ainsi, les praticiens de RRC au Liban et dans d'autres pays en développement pourraient exploiter ce potentiel pour tenter de réduire la vulnérabilité aux dangers et améliorer la capacité de prévention des catastrophes. / Given that natural disasters are spatial phenomenon, the application of geographical information systems (GIS) has proven to be a convenient and reliable tool for the Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) process. GIS can serve DRR as a database for data gathering, integration and incorporation,an output viewer, a tool for hazard maps production, a calculator for exposure, a model builderfor determining assets’ vulnerabilities, a near real time crisis tracker, etc… Nevertheless, GIS applications have been integrated unevenly across the different phases of the DRR cycle.Moreover, the effective use of these technologies requires further research and development,especially in developing countries where numerous barriers hamper the use of GIS for civil protection. The task is further complicated at the local level in rural areas such as our study area Baalbek‐Hermel, Governorate of Lebanon. Restrictions include limited human and financial resources and a lack of critical spatial data required to support GIS application to DRR. To what extent could GIS be efficient in DRR actions in a developing country like Lebanon where themajority of assets at risk is ever‐growing and the government has other urgent priorities than tocommit to DRR plans? Several case‐studies in Baalbek‐Hermel were taken to test these assumptions and discuss the adaptation of GIS techniques to make them effective and to be able to serve the whole DRR cycle; hazard, vulnerability, risk and damage assessment, emergency and evacuation planning, land‐use zoning, recovery and resilience building. Challenges in the deployment of GIS technologies in each afore mentioned phase of the DRR cycle and how they may be overcome were discussed, considering indigenous approaches for the application of technologies and innovations in DRR. The results of this dissertation suggested ways to control some of the barriers hampering the effective use of GIS for DRR in developing countries. Thus,DRR practitioners in Lebanon and other developing countries could harness this potential in anattempt to reduce hazard vulnerability and improve disaster reduction capacity.