The thesis focuses on institutional sources of corruption and their relationship with incidences of corruption in the Nigerian Electric Power Sector (NEPS). Another focus of the research is on the interactions and tensions between formal and informal institutions in the governance of NEPS with particular emphasis on enforcement. The main purpose of this research is to provide a number of contributions to the literature on corruption. Three different research methodologies were employed to undertake the research on corruption in the NEPS in Nigeria. Qualitative analysis was carried out to investigate the underlying institutional mechanisms of corruption; the Delphi Method was employed for undertaking institutional analysis of enforcement and its conditions; and quantitative analysis (OLS and logistic regression) was adopted to analyse the relationships of co-existence between institutional failure and direct experiences of corruption. The choice of three different methodologies was deemed necessary to generate analyses on various aspects of corruption that would not be possible using only a single method. A new approach to the institutional analysis of corruption was presented in the form of Sircoh Institutional Analysis (SIA). SIA is used to investigate corruption at the level of Sircoh bundles in conjunction with banditry analysis of the political economy, as a pre-condition for Sircoh bundle analysis, and the bureaucratic morality analysis of public servants behaviour, as a consequence. Key hypotheses were also framed to investigate the relationship between (x) sources of institutional failures as independent variables, (y) direct experiences of corruption and (z) informal and moral influences that facilitate or inhibit corruption. A new explanation of corruption known as the “logic of relevance” was developed. The logic of relevance as an explanatory tool proposes that where banditry (and especially roving banditry) exists in a given economy the dependence of actors and agents on state resources (institutional benefits) ix creates competition amongst them. Access to institutional benefits by actors and agents under the conditions of uncertainty of competition becomes increasingly secured by the acquisition of social relevance within the social structure of society. The underlying mechanisms by which corruption takes place are investigated and the central contribution is the development and empirical analysis of the concept of contrary institutions. From the analysis, it was found that the internal mechanisms of institutions in NEPS lacked internal legitimacy and consistency, which undermined the functioning of the institutions even though the external mechanisms appeared consistent and enforceable. Contrary institutions were found to be particularly susceptible to informalities, social pressures and collusive behaviour amongst agents. The typology of corruption in NEPS was analysed was found to be a significant empirical indicator of corruption. The Sircoh Institutional Analysis (SIA) is used to investigate the tensions between formal and informal institutions and the coordination of governance in NEPS. From the first component of SIA, the political economy of Nigeria was found to be dominated by roving banditry. From the second component, it was found that the influences of informal institutions prevailed over the enforcement of formal institutions at all levels. The third component, bureaucratic morality analysis, revealed that qualities such as trust, fairness and discipline amongst public servants were low due to the consequences of institutional failure and corruption. The banditry analysis component is modified by extension to produce (a) a comprehensive taxonomy of roving banditry and (b) an evaluation of the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures. Robust regression (OLS and logistic) analysis techniques were used to establish statistical relationships between sources of institutional failure and experiences of corruption. Interference from corporations was found that the dominant source of institutional failure that engendered corruption in NEPS. Other factors of institutional failure include interference from power elites and inadequate enforcement of institutions by government. The regression analysis was also used as a robust tool to empirically validate a broad range of findings x from the qualitative and Delphi analyses. The hypotheses were also found to be empirically valid. A solution known as “closing the door” is provided as a potentially effective tool for tackling corruption in NEPS. Corruption in NEPS was deemed to be persistent because of the existence of the “unclosed door syndrome”. “Closing the door” is based on findings produced from the empirical analysis of contrary institutions and Sircoh Institutional Analysis with the necessary condition of consistent and constant enforcement of legitimate formal institutions at all levels attached to it

The thesis examines if the recent legal developments on assisted death in England and Wales have addressed the needs of society and the concerns of those seeking an assisted death. Despite assisted suicide being a crime in England and Wales, many British citizens successfully obtain an assisted suicide by travelling abroad. With the help of loved ones, they patronise right-to-die organisations in jurisdictions with more permissive laws on suicide. Meanwhile, the prosecution of those who assist a suicide is subject to an uncertain discretion of the DPP, whose prosecuting policy effectively decriminalises ‘compassionate assisted suicides’. Inconsistencies in the law on assisted death between the legal prohibition of assisted suicide, and legally permitted end-of-life medical decisions will also be examined. Whilst assisted death is a crime, physicians are legally permitted to withhold or withdraw life-sustaining treatment from patients. The extent to which a patient’s ‘quality of life’ has been a factor in these inconsistent decisions will be analysed. The thesis will show that the present prohibition against assisted suicide in England and Wales is legally and morally indefensible. Whilst investigating whether assisted suicide should be legalised in England and Wales, the thesis undertakes a comparative analysis of six jurisdictions from around the world. It also evaluates the ‘slippery slope’ argument, i.e. whether a law permitting assisted death for a restricted group of people would inevitably lead to assisted death being practised beyond that group. The thesis will conclude that there is a strong case for providing the legal option of physician-assisted suicide to patients experiencing a poor and unacceptable quality of life due to unbearable pain and suffering brought about by terminal illness.

This study examines the efforts a small number of individuals made to bring Nazi criminals to justice. The successor states to the Third Reich shared the predicament of having to integrate millions of former Nazis into their societies. They often did so at the price of keeping silent about Nazi crimes and the Holocaust. While the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Republic of Austria were preoccupied with building up their political and economic systems, the task of dealing with the criminal legacy of the Third Reich stayed low on their agendas. Despite the fact that all three governments publicly condemned the crimes of the Nazi regime, little was done to prosecute the perpetrators systematically. Consequently, those who were implicated in the genocide of European Jewry were rarely held responsible for crimes which had cost the lives of millions of people. A small group challenged this cross-societal trend. Private activists working outside the states’ authority made it their mission to obtain justice. They investigated the crimes committed in the name of National Socialism against Jews, minorities and political opponents, tracked down those responsible and campaigned for their prosecution. The media soon began referring to some of them as ‘Nazi hunters’, but in fact the pursuit of Nazi criminals was but one part of a much larger range of activities. Critically, these individual agents also insisted that the courts and police live up to their duties and co-operated with these agencies on various levels during the investigation of the crimes in question. Furthermore, they organized media campaigns to educate and sensitize the public to their cause. Based on three case studies, this thesis argues that, by challenging norms, rules and customary attitudes, Nazi hunters helped prompt changes in the political and juridical handling of the Nazi criminal legacy, and also influenced the public perception of it. Their involvement facilitated the investigation of Holocaust crimes and served as a corrective throughout. Furthermore, the publicity the private activists generated instigated a wider discussion about Nazi crimes. In some cases their media work helped make the boundaries and taboos surrounding the Nazi past visible and, in the long term, helped to shift or overcome them. However, in other cases their contributions to these debates were of a very ambivalent nature, encouraging a distorted representation of Nazi crimes and Nazi perpetrators.

Men who sexually offend against children often deny their offences outright, or attempt to present themselves as more socially acceptable by minimisation and rationalisation of the offence. Professionals need accurate information about the beliefs and attitudes that underpin this type of offending. Equally, an accurate, easily administered and cost-effective means to indirecdy assess the levels of risk these men would present if released back into society is vital. Currendy, statistical combination of past-offence data and demographic information produces actuarial risk prediction. This has been criticised as insensitive to changes in levels of risk. Also, existing dynamic risk assessments tend to rely on self-report and interview, both of which may be open to the self-presentational efforts of men in denial. In response to these shortcomings, the research presented in this thesis represents an attempt to develop the Implicit Association Test (IA T; Greenwald, McGhee & Schwartz, 1998) for application specifically to this offender population, and to test its diagnostic accuracy in differentiating paedophilic sex offenders from non-sex offenders. The original IAT format had been shown to identify offenders against minors from other offenders (Gray, Brown, Smith & Snowden, 2005). However, feedback from participants suggested the task might be subject to the effects of low IQ and poor literacy in this population. Hence, this body of work modified the standard task to create an offender-specific lAT. To achieve this, experiment 1 first identified equivalent lAT effects for words and for picture stimuli. Experiment 2 confirmed the "IA T effect" in a shortened 2-stage task, and confirmed that order effects were negligible, but that the number of exemplars per IA T category had some impact on IA T effect. A streamlined child-sex association IAT (CSA-IA1) was created based on these findings. Experiment 3 applied the CSA-IAT to community-based samples of men convicted of sexual offences against children and non-sex offenders, and showed it differentiated the groups with very good diagnostic accuracy. Questions remain in the literature regarding the "fakeability" of the IA T. Experiments 4 and 5 investigated faking of two variants of the novel task (based on nationality and sexuality), and identified a pattern of faking which supported, but extended, previous findings. Experiment 6 then tested the new IA T in the prison population. Inmates convicted of paedophilic sexual offences were compared to men convicted of hebephilic sexual offences and men convicted of non-sexual offences. The task discriminated among the sexual offenders, and differentiated paedophilic offenders from controls, with excellent diagnostic accuracy. It was unaffected by IQ, age and cognitive ability. Finally experiment 7 applied the new test to paedophilic offenders who deny their offences. The CSA-IAT showed very good diagnostic accuracy at discriminating paedophilic deniers from controls, with ROC values for the denier/control discrimination equivalent to those for the admitter/ control discrimination. In summary, this thesis identifies (i) the potential of the IA T as a tool to assist professionals by increasing our understanding of the cognitions underpinning sexually-offending behaviour, and (ii) the potential of the task to be developed as a means to indirectly measure levels of dynamic risk of sexually offending against children presented by convicted abusers.

This thesis is an analysis of Anti-Corruption projects(^1) in Africa. This may appear simple but the severity of pervasive corruption in the continent, especially when the adoption of various intervention measures which should have reduced the opportunities for its occurrence are taken into account, makes this endeavour challenging. In the present context, the thesis will present a rational background or structure that is capable of contributing to the explanation of the African condition (^2). To achieve this, the thesis aims to make an in-depth study of the institutional frameworks that were put in place to tackle corruption. Nigeria and Ghana are the study areas on account of their similar antecedence and the strategic roles they play in the politics of Africa. Apart from journals and reports etc, no proper analysis of the anticorruption project in Nigeria and Ghana has been documented in book form. This thesis intends to fill this gap in the literature by providing a concise and an impartial text through analysis of both Countries' anticorruption projects between 1999 and 2007. It contributes to the debate by focusing on two major issues: (1) The character of Africa's ruling elites, their attitude towards public-good and their competition for political power, arguing that the burden of reinventing Africa rests more (but not only) on their shoulders and (2) the anti-corruption policies of Nigeria and Ghana's post-colonial administrations in pursuance of a relatively corrupt-free public sector.(^3) Sustained anti-corruption campaigns in both countries, as elsewhere in the developing World, developed in response to the demands of a renewed good governance strategy. Sustained effort in the present context implies when anti- corruption debates became extensive and bodies (with legal backing) were set up to investigate and possibly prosecute offenders. Viewed in this sense, anti-corruption campaigns in both countries, and most of Africa, in the democratic era should be separated from the closed, regimented political system represented by past despotic and military regimes. Nevertheless, most of the analysis in this work is deeply critical of both administrations' anticorruption projects. This may appear unfair, given that both administrations have arguably paid more attention to the problems than previous ones. But, even a rare, high -sounding advertisement of an anticorruption project in a society where corruption remains the best explanation for their underdevelopment cannot obscure the various incidences of rampant high-profile corruption and lead to profound questioning of the seriousness of the counter measures. Nor do the many anticorruption laws and institutions, which are explored in details in this work, make up for evidently improper implementation of these policies, which are driven more by politics than by objectivity. Many have laboured under the illusion that Africa's ruling class were committed to their much avowed anticorruption projects. Yet when we examine the implementation of the various anticorruption projects, we become persuaded to the contrary, not only by the conduct of high public office holders or by careful analysis of intellectual materials, reports and surveys, but by some credible accounts provided first hand from sources right at the centre of governments and the projects in both countries. The administrations of Presidents Obasanjo and Kuffor of Nigeria and Ghana respectively are no more than representative samples of the African condition, because the truth is that most African nations have never had durable anticorruption policies, starting from the high-point of the independence era. This thesis argues that anti-corruption strategies in Africa lack sincerity of intent and strength of purpose. As will be seen in the country case studies, in a polity of contesting interests, government interference with the judicial process regarding the prosecutorial powers of anticorruption commissions is widespread, especially in high-profile cases, and exposes the government as not being sincere in its intentions. Public office holders take advantage of their positions for supposedly bring them to justice are weak, compromised and profligate. Durable initiatives to address the crisis of justice that society desires and deserves have been absent, and the challenges of public accountability, transparency in transacting government business and inappropriate use of public resources refuse to go away. As will be shown later, some anticorruption institutions are marred by a credibility crisis. Supposedly, they should be committed to proper adherence to due process and other forms of disciplinary checks, but their image problems are worsened by the perceived partiality with which they go about their activities. Obviously, those responsible for the implementation of the projects have a large credibility gap to fill in the hearts and minds of ordinary Africans who are disillusioned with inadequate counter measures that have either ended up in smoke or become interred with the bones of their initiators. Thus, mere mouthing of platitudes in the face of genuine challenges have offered hope whilst denying real progress towards the eradication of state- sanctioned corruption, a deep-rooted problem that is threatening to become permanent. Flashes of hope from both administrations have not yet addressed the basic problems of trustworthiness in an environment where high-profile corruption cases are improperly and inadequately pursued; and where public officials' activities make more people lose faith in the campaign. It is important to take concrete steps and design counter measures that are capable of creating the proper values for public office because, "values are central to the fight against corruption."(^4) As Dike reminds us "...a good value system could help in the war against corruption." (^5) The political space that will enable civil society in partnership with government agencies to enforce anticorruption policies is yet to be fully developed. In the meantime, mouthing the rhetoric about fighting corruption provides diagnosis of the disease but no progress towards a cure. This thesis provides analysis and recommendations towards this goal.

This thesis examines recruitment operations carried out by Colombian military forces, in violation of legal standards and constitutional rights. The most common practice used to be batidas militares, or arbitrary detentions with the purpose of conscription. Every year hundreds if not thousands of youths were caught off-guard in street round-ups; transported - often in trucks- to military units; and hastily assigned to battalions across the country to complete their military service. Until recent times these recruitment practices were systematically implemented despite the fact that UN bodies, domestic courts, and non-state actors had denounced their harmfulness and illegality. Cultural criminology serves as a general framework to conduct the analysis of arbitrary conscription in Colombia, understanding crime and crime control as cultural constructions intersected by power relations. This framework guides the main questions of this project, i.e. the historical and cultural factors that enable arbitrary conscription, how this practice shaped youths' experience in public space, the underpinning official discourse, and the strategies society adopts to cope with it, from normalisation to resistance. Fieldwork to support the analysis was jointly conducted under a participatory action research approach with conscientious objection and anti-militarist collectives in Bogotá. Using a mixed- methods design, this thesis combines geovisualisation and participatory spatial data analysis with participant observation and in-depth interviews. This choice of methods enables a broad quantitative description with an in-depth qualitative explanation of this concealed practice. This thesis reveals that arbitrary conscription is a long-standing practice rooted in colonial institutions and the militaristic construction of nationhood in Colombia. Such historical examination shows that state violence perpetrated by military forces has endured and coexists today with a protective democratic juridical framework. Arbitrary conscription is conceptualised simultaneously as a state crime and a policing technique. On the one hand, this thesis proves that arbitrary conscription is a state crime by all relevant criteria - it is a (i) systematic (ii) violation of human rights (iii) responding to state goals, with (iv) clear victimisation patterns and (v) enabled by a complicity network of state agencies. On the other hand, arbitrary conscription also functions as an informal policing technique that serves purposes of social control, disciplining and indoctrination of working-class youth. The polyvalent nature of arbitrary conscription illustrates the way certain security practices in disjunctive democracies trespass the boundaries between control and crime. Arbitrary conscription is a dynamic phenomenon constantly reconfigured by competing narratives and forces of normalisation, resistance and denial. This study deepens the understanding of state violence normalisation and its linkages with militarist values; develops a definition of resistance as a project of autonomy; and illustrates reactions of state agents to social controls that include criminal refinement, discursive denial and moral neutralisation techniques. The analysis suggests that whereas the practice of military round- ups may be discontinued in the near future, underlying state abuse and violence for arbitrary conscription may persist in subtler and more sophisticated forms. A major contribution of this thesis is the proposition of countermapping crime as a pragmatic strategy to unveil crimes of the powerful and make visible widespread harms. Going beyond the usual critique of crime maps as instruments of control with hidden political agendas, this thesis suggests that critical criminology can re-engage with geography to conduct refined and culturally informed spatial analysis. Key features of countermapping crime include (i) the conceptual expansion of crime to include social harms, (ii) the reliance on qualitative and participatory GIS to conduct data collection and analysis, and (iii) the use of socio-cultural theoretical frameworks that complement opportunity theories. This strategy is much more than a desk-based cartographic exercise. It is anchored in a transformative research paradigm entailing the participatory creation of spatial narratives that contest official discourses, the execution of spatial practices of place claiming, and the critical assessment and interpretation of visual readings of maps. Countermapping crime opens possibilities for criminology dealing with space and place by using participatory action- oriented methodologies.

This thesis evaluates the effectiveness of Ghana's anticorruption system between 1993 and 2006, the first 14 years after the return to democratic rule in the Fourth Republic. It focuses on how the key anticorruption agencies (ACAs) - the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice, Serious Fraud Office, Public Accounts Committee of Parliament and Auditor-General - have addressed issues of accountability vis-a-vis incumbent governments. The thesis first outlines Ghana's anticorruption history, prior to 1993, in order to determine the failings of past accountability attempts. Next, the mandate, independence and enforcement capabilities of Ghana's ACAs are examined. A case study approach is adopted to analyze how corruption has been tackled in two areas - local government and state enterprises. With the local government case, measures to address fraud in the award of contracts, procurement and revenue collection are assessed. The state enterprise case study, Ghana Airways, is used to explore obstacles to anticorruption. In addition, accountability in the process of privatization, a key element of liberalization reforms, which were also intended as a remedy for mismanagement and fraud in state enterprises, is evaluated. The findings suggest that, despite the elaborate anticorruption system, there is limited incumbent accountability. This is, firstly, due to a lack of political commitment to anticorruption, by government, in spite of protestations to the contrary. The evidence indicates both the National Democratic Congress and New Patriotic Party were reluctant to prosecute or enforce anticorruption recommendations involving ruling elites within their own parties. ACAs have statutory independence, yet incumbents exercise significant control by retaining authority in areas such as criminal prosecution and resource allocation. Secondly, weak internal controls were found to undermine anticorruption efforts through the opportunities made available for exploiting public resources. These limitations, particularly with reference to incumbents, have instead left government elites open to prosecution for corruption only after they have relinquished power. Therefore, it is concluded that, despite their elaborate design, Ghana's ACAs have made only a modest contribution to accountability within the democratic regime.

In the aftermath of World War II the United States embarked on the largest-scale war crimes punishment program in its history. In addition to the well-publicized trials of the Nazi leadership at Nuremberg the U.S. Army prosecuted 1,676 lesser war criminals in the American zone of occupation in Germany. The Dachau trials, as they later became known, were the culmination of the Army's concentrated effort to investigate, apprehend, and interrogate suspected war criminals in the last months of the war. The trials revived the American tradition of war crimes prosecution in military courts. Their purpose was to punish the perpetrators, educate the public about the crimes of the Nazi regime, and help democratize the Germans. The defendants included Nazi military and state officials, concentration camp personnel, as well as German civilians accused of killing and mistreating allied nationals in violation of the laws of war. The trials provided the earliest glimpse into the identity of individual perpetrators, life in the Nazi concentration camps, and the attitudes of the German population toward captured American prisoners of war. This study examines the role of the U.S. Army in bringing war criminals to justice in Germany. It explores the historical, political, legal, and military origins, implementation, and significance of the Dachau trials. It argues that through a systematic judicial response to Nazi crimes, the Army helped punish the perpetrators, protect its troops, and advance American occupation goals in Germany. Yet legal limitations prevented the Army from addressing certain Nazi-perpetrated crimes or presenting a coherent historical narrative that could have assisted in reshaping German collective memory. Nevertheless, through the Dachau trials the Army provided some degree of retribution; created a symbolic separation of Germany's past from its future; and promoted an early discussion on individual guilt and acceptance of history.

This thesis explores the contributory factors behind two lynchings which occurred in Todos Santos Cuchwnatan in the north-west highlands ofrural Guatemala. These lynchings are part ofa wave ofvigilantism which struck Guatemala in 1996 following a 36 year civil war. While existing accounts of Guatemalan lynchings portray them as a repercussion ofthe violence ofthe conflict and insufficient provision ofjustice, through detailed reference to specific incidents I intend to illustrate a more genealogically complex process offomentation, where rumour, social change, and ineffective state apparatus all play roles alongside the lasting effects ofthe conflict and a failing justice system. The thesis intends to provide a contextual vantage point in what has become an increasingly decontextualised body ofanalysis which has stripped the violent actions ofmany of their specific causes and meanings. In doing so, I hope also to illustrate a key role anthropology can play in the study ofviolence. The thesis touches upon issues of post-conflict violence, transitional justice, vigilantism, rumour, and social change based on fieldwork carried out between 2003 and 2004.

Child sexual abuse has become the subject of heightened public interest in recent years, with individuals committing such offences typically regarded as irredeemable. Public vilification of this offender type does little to assist their community integration and has the potential to result in exclusion and social isolation, known risk factors for sexual reoffending. Whilst research on desistance from non-sexual offending has grown exponentially over previous decades, a focus on desistance from sexual offending has been largely neglected until recent years, which have witnessed the publication of a small number of qualitative studies. This thesis empirically explores the experiences of 15 men convicted of sexual offences involving children, and self-reporting desistance from further sexual offending. The men had served prison sentences and had since been released into the community for various periods. Obtaining access to a suitable sample proved to be a difficult and protracted process which resulted in the placement of an advertisement seeking volunteers. Narrative interviews generated a large amount of data which was subjected to thematic analysis. This revealed the three themes of formal social control, informal social control, and internal (re)sources of control. The use of stigma management techniques was significant, employed by the majority of respondents to enable a positive sense of self and allow for identity reconstruction. The findings also suggest two types of desistance from sexual offending within this sample - formal and substantive. The latter, a protracted process, involved identity change along a continuum, resulting from a continued interaction with the social and structural supports attained by respondents. In contrast, formal desistance involved no identifiable process. These findings are argued to make a significant contribution to the largely neglected empirical and theoretical work exploring desistance from sexual offending, and hold implications for treatment and management of convicted sexual offenders with child victims.