The fight against organised crime is today a very fertile ground for policy making at various levels. On one side, manifestations of organised crime have historically shaped social and institutional perceptions of local and national threats, while on the other side - because of the perceived transnationality of the phenomenon - national states have been inclined to develop harmonised and coordinated responses, struggling towards agreed definitions of organised crime. This research is a socio-legal comparative · investigation carried out in England and in Italy through thematic analysis of in-depth interviews and official documents, wishing to compare the evolution of two national policing models against organised crime. For the purposes of this research, criticisms of the label of 'organised crime' as a unique or collective category have not been assumed but have instead been assessed throughout the research process. Clearly, definitional issues around terminology of organised crime and mafia identities occupy a large part of the study. The research findings are aligned with the theoretical framework of comparative research in criminal justice, with a first stage analysis of the systems under scrutiny and a second stage analysis of the convergences and divergences between the two systems. At the first level are therefore be the two national models - the Italian Structure Model and the English Activity Model - constructed on the basis of legislation and institutional perceptions gathered from interviews and documents. At the second level is the' proper comparative effort to identify convergences and divergences of policies and practices between the two states. Such comparative exercise does not only improve our understanding of national approaches, beyond cultural, linguistic and legal 'boundaries, but can also improve the dialogue towards concerted efforts at the international level. Nevertheless, globalisation of criminal markets and internationalisation of policies have influenced perceptions of organised crime and related policing tactics also at national levels. This research has considered the influence of international perspectives on convergences and divergences between the two models. Including international perspectives completes this study through an enhanced understanding of both models and with a view to highlight policy recommendations for both countries.

My research focuses on one of the first important instances in which the Italian state and Mafia gangs established some kind of cooperation aimed at managing public order in Palermo after Italian unification. Specifically my thesis examines the time period between 1866 and 1875. During this period we can find public accusations and confidential reports that describe a system based on the interaction between State actors and Mafiosi or criminals in general. The entire police, judiciary, and government apparatus of the Italian State seems have been involved. The central government itself was aware of this system and allowed it. The type of exchange that took place between the parties was so consistent and coordinated that can be viewed as a "system of co-management at a high level". Therefore, it is the first case of wide-ranging transactions with criminal groups and Mafiosi to occur after Italian unification. This system was born for specific reasons and it developed due to local, national, and European contingencies and needs. Safeguarding public order was perceived as a fundamental condition for protecting Italian Unity that had just been achieved. The Palermo uprising of 1866 had triggered fears, among the Italian political elites, that the country would disintegrate. My research aims at revealing the roots, goals, evolution, and consequences of this system. The choices made in the 1860s would have had repercussions in Palermo and in Italy for the rest of that century and created the conditions for further collusion between the institutions and the Mafia. The analysis of this first compromise that the Italian State put into operation with the Sicilian Mafia is also beneficial for understanding exchanges between institutions and the Mafia that are a constant in Mafia history.

This research studies the relationship between Cosa Nostra and the other criminal groups operating in its territory, trying to highlight the social and cultural aspects of this relationship and how Cosa Nostra uses other criminal groups to recruit new members. As noted by Salvatore Lupo if we consider the network of relations of a mafioso, we can observe three different links to/from him: 1) towards other mafiosi, 2) towards the high strata of society, namely the prominent people who protect him, 3) towards the bottom areas of society, namely criminality. This last link will be the subject of this work, where I will study the role of the so-called vicini, who belong to the criminal underworld and their role in helping Cosa Nostra. In the words of defector Antonio Patti, the real strength of Cosa Nostra lies in the presence of the vicini. Every ‘man of honour’ has got several vicini and together they make up the real strength of Cosa Nostra. As underlined by one defector: it isn’t necessary for the Family to be in any great number to have strength because the strength comes from the outside, from the so-called vicini, who show their availability in providing various services to Cosa Nostra. These services vary from the mere collecting and transmitting of information, to the keeping control of places and people, to committing crimes, even if just functional for Cosa Nostra activities. The figure of the vicino can be explained as something in the middle between being a normal criminal and being a ‘man of honour’. The vicino is that person who through his criminal activities comes into contact with Cosa Nostra, then is brought closer to it, often with a view to future affiliation. The geographic area considered in this research is one with a considerable presence of other criminal groups and individuals outside of Cosa Nostra. In the province of Trapani we can observe a great deal of other types of criminal activity, from robberies to drug pushing, from burglary to car stealing. It is from this background that the vicini of Cosa Nostra usually come from. In chapter one I will underline how the strong presence of criminal groups and individuals who operate in the territory where Cosa Nostra is also present necessitates them finding of mode of co-existing. In doing so I will look at the process through which these criminals become vicini to Cosa Nostra. In chapter two I will show, in practical terms, how the vicini work for Cosa Nostra. Finally in chapter three I will present examples where criminal groups became a threat to the local mafia Family. In particular considering the case of the feuds of Marsala and Alcamo in the late ‘80s/early’90s. The aims of this work are, first of all, to see how Cosa Nostra interacts with local criminal groups or single criminals and secondly to look at the way Cosa Nostra uses people, who are not part of the local Family to control the local underworld. Thirdly I will look to explain how these vicini are critical for Cosa Nostra’s activities and prosperity. The overall goal of this work is to study how important social capital is for Cosa Nostra and how this criminal organisation can only exist in an environment that supports it.

This research examines the relationship between some features of the American criminal justice system and the infiltration of organised crime groups into New York's financial district to commit securities fraud. The primary focus of the study is to determine if and to what extent the present criminal justice strategies designed to counter organised crime activities have had an impact on the entry of New York's five Italian-American crime families and Russian-origin criminals into the securities market. There are scattered works and articles on organised crime related frauds in the stock market, but there is no thorough empirical study on the movement of organised crime groups from traditional rackets into the securities market in New York. This research was undertaken to remedy the paucity of criminological knowledge on the activities of organised crime groups in the U.S. investment sector and on the factors underlying this. Sensitive and extensive data on major organised crime cases on Wall Street are analysed throughout the work. The study utilised a combination of interviews, existing source documents and written materials. Several interviews were conducted of known organised crime members, enforcement personnel, informants and experts on organised crime. The source documents that were used in this study comprised of public and private domain records from investigating and prosecuting bodies within the criminal justice system.

European academics have historically been reluctant to conduct explicit gang research on the premise that it risks stereotyping communities. Subsequently, notions about gangs in the UK have been transposed from American literature, which is primarily based within a criminological perspective and focuses on personal characteristics of gang members, such as their violent tendencies (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). Alternatively, underpinned by a community psychology perspective, this research explores how young people involved in gangs construct their identities and experiences, and to what extent these constructions reproduce or resist political discourse. Semi-structured interviews with six self-identified gang members, as well as the UK policy ‘Ending Gang and Youth Violence’ (Home Office, 2011) were analysed using a hybrid approach of discursive psychology and critical discourse analysis. The four main discursive sites identified in the policy were: i) The demonization of gangs, ii) the inevitability of gangs, iii) gangs: the product of ‘troubled families’, iv) the racialization of gangs. The four main discursive sites within the interviews were: i) experiences of racism, ii) the inevitability of gang membership, iii) problematized identities, iv) individual and family responsibility. The analysis indicated that, at times, the participants reproduced problematising ideological discourse, at other times they constructed reimagined personal narratives which resisted hegemonic discourses about gang members, and at other times they exposed the oppressive mechanisms of political discourse, by detailing how being labelled a ‘gang member’ and racial discrimination had shaped their subjectivities and lived experiences. The findings indicate the need for an overhaul of elitist policy production, for authentic participation of young people with experiences of living in deprived areas, and for a shift from the ‘criminological’ framework of gang policy towards ‘welfare’. Furthermore, the findings highlight the need to direct political attention to addressing racial discrimination. Clinically, community psychology approaches are recommended, as well as working at macro levels to change cultural narratives around this group.

Female gang involvement continues to be a largely under researched topic, particularly within the UK and understandings are often based on the perspectives of male participants. Furthermore, media discourses continue to be individualistic and blaming, and often fail to consider the impact of the wider context on a person’s experiences. Taking a critical realist – social constructionist epistemological position, this research aims to contribute to the understanding of female gang involvement. This study recruited four young women who had previous experiences of gang involvement. Participants were interviewed about their experiences of gang involvement, factors that influenced them to become involved and what helped them transition out of a gang. An Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis was carried out and four super-ordinate themes were identified, which were: getting involved; ‘the circle of life’, getting involved; ‘survival, being involved; ‘a double edged sword’, getting out and staying out. The findings of this study suggest that growing up around gangs and a failure to have needs met influence young women to become involved in gangs. Experiences of being involved were framed as a ‘double-edged sword’, as the participants described both positive and negative experiences. Although some experiences of gang involvement were experienced as being positive, the all or nothingness of gangs, sexism, and experiences of violence and betrayal within relationships, made it extremely difficult for these young women to survive, and thrive, within this context. These negative experiences lead them to question life within the gang. However, getting out was described as a complex process, particularly because of the permanency of gang involvement and adverse social contexts. The implications of this research, for clinical practice and future research, are outlined.

This study addresses transnational organised crime and illicit financial flows in Nigeria, West Africa and the Global North (i.e. Europe). Based on extensive documentary analysis and expert interviews conducted in the four countries (i.e. Nigeria, Ghana, Senegal and the Gambia). It reveals the contemporary changes of organised crime in a global context. Having outlined the dynamics of global transnational organised crime, the study examines three specific organised crime groups in Nigeria. These are; human trafficking; drug trafficking and advance fee fraud (AFF) cybercrime related. Having considered the phenomenon of organised crime and its contemporary problems in Nigeria, the study turns to an evaluation of the regime against money laundering from a global perspective. It assesses some relevant global initiatives and instruments which combat the proceeds of organised crime in West Africa and Nigeria. The study introduces the conceptual frameworks using the rational choice theory to ‘frame’ organised crime offenders from Nigeria and the author uses Value, Accessability and Transaction (VAT) Model to explain the routine activities of the rational criminal actors from Nigeria before considering the anti-money laundering framework (i.e. the Financial Action Task Force 40 Recommendations) as the instruments to decrease the risk of organised crime financial transactions within the global jurisdictions. The exploration of cybernetics in this study offers a scientific model called AntiMoney Laundering Transaction Validation Model with aim of providing a solution which strengthens the effectiveness of the anti-money laundering (AML, hereinafter) regimes in Nigeria, developing economies and globally. Finally, the thesis concludes that those international initiatives, recommendations and the instruments of soft-laws from developed countries to combat the illicit financial flows of organised crime in developing economies cannot be effective without providing solutions to the impediments affecting the curbing of illicit financial flows from organised crime in developing countries, such as Nigeria.

This thesis presents a study of street children’s involvement as workers in Bangladeshi organised crime groups, based on a three-year ethnographic study in Dhaka. The study focuses on the views and experiences of 22 children from the streets and slums. Drawing on participant observation and group interviews with the children, the study explores how these children perceived organised crime and why young people become involved in these groups. It argues that children’s perspectives are essential, even when the subject under discussion is the adult world of organised crime. The study also utilises data drawn from interviews with 80 criminal justice practitioners, NGO workers and community members and three years of participant observation of the Bangladesh criminal justice system and wider society. This thesis offers five main contributions to knowledge. Firstly, the study documents the ways that Bangladeshi organised crime groups – the mastaans – operate. It explores how these groups are structured, the crimes they commit and their subculture. Secondly, the study demonstrates that mastaans are ‘mafia-type’ organisations that operate in a market for social protection and are involved in a range of criminal activities. Thirdly, the study explains how street children work as labourers within these crime groups. They are hired to carry weapons, sell drugs, collect extortion money, participate in ‘land grabbing’, conduct contract killings and commit political violence. It argues that mastaan groups offer street children a way to earn money and access patronage, protection and inclusion. The study concludes that these children are neither victims nor offenders; they are instead ‘active social agents’, doing what they can to protect themselves and survive on the streets. Finally, the study contributes to literature on research methodologies, because it was the first to employ an empirical case study design to explore the relationship between street children and organised crime in Bangladesh.

Criminologists have long recognized that some groups govern criminal markets. Strategists and political scientists, however, downplay the role organized crime plays in domestic and international politics – though the United Nations Security Council, World Bank and White House have warned that role may be growing. The assumption has been that states and insurgents exist in a political ‘upperworld’ while organized crime exists in a separate, profit-driven ‘underworld’. We consequently lack a framework for understanding the strategic logic of organized crime: how it uses force, and other means, to compete, cooperate and collaborate with states and other political organizations for governmental power. This dissertation develops such a framework, drawing on strategic theory, criminology, and economic and management theory. It applies the framework to the emergence, development and movement of mafias in Sicily, New York, and the Caribbean between 1859 and 1968. Using unpublished judicial, intelligence and diplomatic material, mafia memoires, and published secondary sources, the dissertation reveals mafias becoming autonomous strategic actors in both domestic and international politics. They deliberately influenced elections, organized domestic insurgency and transnational armed attacks, attemped regime change, and formed governmental joint ventures with ruling groups. Mafias played important and unappreciated military and political roles during the Second World War, the Bay of Pigs and the Cuban Missile Crisis. Based on this historical analysis, the dissertation identifies six ways criminal groups position themselves in the ‘market for government’. These positioning strategies help explain the emergence and behaviours of mafias, warlords and gang rulers; political-criminal alliances; acts of terrorism by criminal groups; and criminal sponsorship of new political structures (‘blue ocean’ strategy). The final section applies these concepts to two contemporary cases – Mexico and the Sahel – and considers the overall implications for strategic theory, efforts to combat organized crime and the management of criminal spoilers in peace processes.

The purpose of this study was to shed more light on the process of desistance from crime in the context of disengagement from youth gangs and to do so in relation to a key life-event: parenthood. Gang membership was theorised in the light of a life-course framework and gang disengagement was defined as a renunciation of a gang status and gradually decreasing gang embeddedness. The likelihood of parenthood serving as a trigger of change in gang membership was investigated. The study utilised data from narrative interviews with 15 inner-London parents who all self-reported as former gang members. Interview transcripts were further analysed by means of a hybrid process of inductive and deductive thematic analysis. This examined (1) subjective experiences of parenthood, (2) the effect of parenthood on renegotiation of the gang member identity and (3) whether there were any substantial differences between how fathers and mothers embraced their parenthood experience. With regard to the course of behavioural and identity changes, there was no one, single pattern that would have reflected all parents’ journeys out of gangs. There were considerable intra- and inter-gender differences with regard to when the transformation process started, how deep the changes were with respect to core-self and to what extent parents were engaging in reflective, meaning-making processes. Parents also demonstrated different levels of resilience in the face of challenges and varied in how much commitment, and pro-activity they were channeling into the future-oriented endeavours. The experience of being a gang member gradually became an aversive one for most parents and they generally appraised the meaning of conventional life. The volatility of new parenthood as a possible turning point in the life of a young gang member denotes it as a timely occasion when assistance could be provided. Based on parents’ accounts, several recommendations were proposed that, if implemented on a wider scale, are likely to increase the chance of parents enacting their parental roles successfully. These included: a single case management approach that is long-term, affords flexibility if circumstances change and, due to the multifaceted character of young people’s needs, demands effective partnership between different agencies. Though parenthood was not a universal remedy, becoming a parent served as an important catalyst for self-transformation and gang disengagement for the majority of the interviewed young parents. The overall success appeared to be strongly intertwined with one’s level of agency, support from pro-social others and perception of availability of a legitimate identity.