This study is an interpretation of history related by Tūhoe historians of the Tauranga valley, a valley situated on the northern side of the Urewera ranges, North Island, New Zealand. It is also an interpretation of historical records relating to the Tauranga valley Tūhoe community. Fieldwork for the study was carried out between November 1977 and July 1978, and between November 1978 and May 1979. It is argued that Tūhoe history of the Tauranga valley comprises four separate, but connected, domains of discourse. The first domain considered includes narratives which link tribes and sub-tribes, and relate them to their land. The second concerns relationships between local whānau, extended families descended from grand-parents of elders now living. Accounts which comprise the third domain focus upon the identity of Rua Kenana, a Tūhoe leader who, with his people the Iharaira (or Israelites), established a ‘city of God’ at Maungapōhatu (at the source of the Tauranga river). The fourth domain is that of reminiscence. Three Tauranga valley settlements are described by four Iharaira elders; Tataiahape between 1909 and 1915, Matahī between 1915 and 1927, and Tāwhana in the late 1920s and 1930s. In order to highlight and explore distinctions between Tūhoe history and Western history, Tūhoe accounts are not integrated with documentary sources into a single narrative. The focus is upon Tūhoe history and documents are drawn upon where relevant to an understanding of this history as a distinctive mode of discourse.

When people, ideas or things migrate across cultural milieux, many opportunities for cultural transformation arise. The focal point of this thesis is a large stupa/temple (Great Stupa) being built at Atisha Centre, a Buddhist retreat near Bendigo in Australia, by members of an international organisation called the Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition (FPMT). I approach the planning, promotion and construction of the stupa as an instance of the transplantation of religious material culture, arguing that Atisha Centre and particularly the stupa play a constitutive role by acting as a contact zone (Pratt 1992). Since the Centre is a site of alternate social ordering in which the Buddhists attempt to actualise their universalist ideals in a specific place, I also conceptualise it as a heterotopia (Foucault 1986, Hetherington 1997). The contact zone entails engagement between different socio-cultural domains. One of the key domains is the globalisation of contemporary Buddhism and its permutations in new locales. Stemming from this is the question of how the Buddhists and their imported material culture engage with wider concerns such as various non-FPMT Buddhist, Anglo- Australian and Aboriginal locals’ responses towards the transplantation of a Tibetan temple into a rural Australian locale. The complex and shifting relationships between different kinds of Buddhism feature in relation to different ideas about the value of holy objects. The FPMT conforms to the enlightenment-oriented ideals of “Buddhist modernism” (McMahan 2008) but appears to depart from it in its pronounced emphasis on merit-making and holy objects. However, the project’s proponents consider the stupa a method for enacting their enlightenment aspirations. I attribute the stupa project’s relatively smooth passage through local planning application procedures to proponents’ prior social and cultural capital, which I link to positive public perceptions of Buddhism, aspirations for Bendigo to become more culturally diverse and the economic development the stupa is expected to bring. The literally concrete structure of the stupa not only provides Buddhists with a tangible focal point for their ideals, but also serves as a vehicle for the establishment of Tibetan Buddhism in a new land.

This thesis explores the role and status of women in the Hahalis Welfare Society, a populist social movement on Buka, North Solomons Province, Papua New Guinea. The author spent fifteen months in the field, spread over three fieldtrips between 1975.and 1978. Welfare Society members in Hahalis Village shared with the author the work of their hands so that she could appreciate the significance of the ground, and the work of their hearts so that she could feel the compassion, love, and positive exuberance that informed their thinking – thus enabling her to understand in some measure the analysis, critique and transformation of Buka culture and society in which they were engaged. The first chapter of this thesis elaborates the relationship between Hahalis Welfare Society and its historical, and contemporary social/political context on Buka. There is also a discussion of the author's approach to fieldwork on Buka –both in terms of theory and practice. The second chapter explores the nature of traditional power and leadership which remain central to the philosophy and organization of the Welfare Society. The special importance of matrilineal principles and the brother-sister relationship are explored, as are forms of alliance between lineages and moieties. The qualities of balance and restraint inherent in the Buka concepts of power and leadership are shown to be under some strain in the contemporary political and economic context. Chapter Three discusses ritual occasions in relation to the issues raised in the preceding chapter. Ritual is seen as a creative re-thinking of the nature of power, and personal and social relationships – a complex weave that reflects the past, the present, and possible future designs. Chapter Four centres more directly on the role of women in Welfare Society and their past and present active participation in the development of its philosophy and its practice. The final chapter explores three issues drawn from the author's fieldwork experience which are discussed in terms of their relevance to Hahalis Welfare Society, and the development of anthropological practice. These issues centre on the subjective stance in anthropological fieldwork, the debate over fertility and family planning, and the problematic interpretation of sacrifice.

This work began in reflection upon the form of tourism in Ubud: in which rapid economic change and profound cultural conservatism appear combined in unlikely symbiotic relationship. It became, in the field, a set of parallel enquiries into tourism, economics, politics, ritual, spatial organisation and history linking Ubud with wider local, regional and global processes. My provisional argument goes something like this. The economic development associated with tourism has resulted in Ubud not in a wholesale replacement of the forms of traditional culture with those of international capitalist culture but instead with conservation, development and intensification of aspects of traditional culture. Tourism is in fact built upon the marketing of an image of traditional culture consisting primarily of the performing and plastic arts and an aesthetic of village life combining agricultural production and ritual activity. In practice tourism has transformed the economic foundations of this way of life from dependence upon agricultural production to dependence upon a whole new sector providing goods and services to tourists. This transformation has had varied effects upon the components of the marketing image. One the one hand it has made possible profitable commoditisation of traditional arts but on the other it has marginalised the agricultural sector in a number of ways. The relationship between tourism and ritual activity is less direct. While people have resisted direct commodification of ritual, they recognise its role as a tourist attraction. Ritual practices and the temples in which they take place have however been the subject of massive redevelopment. While the forms of these are traditional, their content is linked to tourism in more complex ways. This process has not been ad-hoc but has been the subject of de-facto management by various parties including the traditional aristocracy, foreign expatriates, government and an emerging middle class. This management has been enabled and limited by access of the various parties to key resources including English language, land, cultural knowledge, investment capital and government contacts. This thesis does not report on all of this but represents in effect a report upon work in progress, providing a broad overview and the first stage of what is now seen as an ongoing research project. It is presented as a series of linked sections designed to be read at three levels: 1. as stand-alone contributions to various sub-fields of Bali studies, 2. as a set of relationships between these sections which contribute to the argument outlined above and 3. as the outline of a larger research project linking Ubud into processes of wider geographical compass and historical depth. It begins with description of contemporary Ubud, the transformation of its economy and a brief history of tourism. The relationship between ritual and economy is discussed both in general terms and ethnographic detail to provide insight into the context of cultural ideas in which tourist development has taken place. The spatial organisation of ritual reveals patterns of cultural order and political influence requiring historical analysis which in turn focuses attention on the role of the traditional aristocracy and changing patterns of control over land and labour as key factors in understanding the contemporary situation. Keywords: anthropology, Bali, economy, history, Indonesia, ritual, tourism

A fairly comprehensive treatment of the main features of Tokelauan sentence structure is the central aim. The syntactic analysis is presented within a framework which is an adaptation of Chomsky's 'Standard Theory' but special consideration is given to the problem of squaring a grammar based on formal evidence with a functionally-based analysis of sentences. The principal modification to the Standard Theory is the readoption of kernel sentences and generalized transformations, i.e. a partial reversion to the transformational model proposed in Chomsky's Syntactic Structures. Thus, the output of the base rules is a set of simple sentence structures, with no embeddings. The treatment of other aspects of Tokelauan included in this analysis are described below in a brief synopsis of each chapter. Chapter 1 is introductory, serving to locate the language, place and the people of Tokelau. Previous discussions of the position of Tokelauan within the Polynesian group are reviewed, and a basic vocabulary list is provided together with Cognate percentages shared by Tokelauan of Samoan, Nanumean Ellice and Sikaiana. The aims and scope of this analysis are then discussed in the context of a brief survey of earlier syntactic studies of Polynesian languages, and of the various grammatical models applied to Polynesian or developed in recent theoretical work on syntax and semantics. Chapters 2 and 3 are essentially referential, presenting lists of all the grammatical elements and rules to be discussed in later chapters. Chapter 2 has two parts. In Part 1 the segmental phonemes of Tokelauan are described, along with the practical problems associated with the choice of orthographic symbols. In Part 2 the functor (grammatical) morphemes of Tokelauan are listed and their uses exemplified. Chapter 3 lists the categorial rules of the base component and some transformational rules. Chapters 4-6 discuss evidence for and against the formal analysis outlined in 3. Chapter 4 treats the major categorial (phrase structure) rules, stating the procedures used to determine immediate constituents, and defending potentially controversial parts of the analysis against alternatives. Formal and functional analyses are made independently, then compared. In Chapter 5, certain transformational rules of Tokelauan are examined with illustrative examples. The final chapter is in two distinct but related parts. First the grounds on which Hohepa based his ergative-accusative classification of Polynesian languages are summarised, and reviewed in relation to the evidence of Tokelauan. One result is a rejection of the concepts of direct object (and so, of transitivity) and of an active-passive transformation a s significant grammatical relations in Tokelauan. The later sections examine certain functional relations associated with the constituent analysis of sentences particularly the functions of case markers. This exercise provides a framework for verb classification in Tokelauan.

The coastal fortifications of the port of Auckland, New Zealand, from 1885 to 1925 are studied in depth, from an historical archaeology perspective. An understanding of their wider context is essential to an understanding of the sites themselves, so a study is made of European artillery and fortification practice and technology from the 14th century onwards, with an emphasis on the coastal artillery practices of the British Empire in the 19th century. On this foundation, coastal fortification practices in New Zealand in the 19th century are examined, and the political background to the construction of coastal forts is outlined. The social and economic impact of the defences are studied, and the resources used in their construction detailed. Land acquisitions for the defence works in Auckland are examined. With a thorough understanding of their background and context (both national and international), Forts Resolution, Bastion, Takapuna, Victoria, Cautley and the submarine mining depots are then studied in detail, with limited excavations, extensive field survey, and the use of comprehensive archival sources. Fina1ly, it, is concluded that the forts built in Auckland between 1885 and 1925 were a product of the colonial experience, in that, they were a complex technological product of imperial demands and needs, and had little relevance to the realities and requirements of a small and remote colony 20,000 km away from the imperial centre. The thesis is a study of the ‘disappearing gun’ period of coastal fortification, and also an acknowledgement that much of the evidence of this once socially and economically significant activity has been destroyed. To assist the reader, there is a large bibliography, and appendices containing a comprehensive glossary, a list of New zealand defence schemes from 1840 to 1914, a list of site record numbere, and biographical details of the key fort builders.

This thesis is an ethnographic account of the kleva of central Espiritu Santo, Vanuatu - a handful of healers credited with powers beyond those of their neighbours. Their concerns include matters like illness, sorcery, witchcraft, spirits and dreaming. The account is based on seventeen months field research among the Kiai-speaking population on the south-east side of the upper Ari valley in south central Santo. My method is primarily descriptive. In the main body of the thesis I give accounts of face-to-face encounters and conversations with the kleva and their neighbours, attempting to build up a picture of the kleva that takes into consideration not only what they do, but also the meaning of their activities for themselves and for their neighbours. In the conclusion I discuss the relevance of my material to some problems in the ethnography of Melanesian religions. I also raise issues of interpretation, seen to lie at the core of both topic and method in ethnographic pursuits. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

There have been no studies in New Zealand designed to investigate the effectiveness of the major "systems-based" intervention programme available for intellectually handicapped children; the service offered by the New Zealand Society for the Intellectually Handicapped. The Society does not have a standardised programme running in all its Preschool/Special Care Centres throughout the country. However, the Auckland branch developed a formalised approach to programming and teaching in 1979. This study attempted to determine the effectiveness of this new approach in terms of the children it was designed to benefit. It was found that children attending Auckland Preschool/Special Care Centres did show greater rates of progress than children attending Preschool/Special Care Centres outside Auckland for a variety of different skills. For Downs Syndrome children these were self-help, cognitive and language skills. For motor-delayed multihandicapped children the skills were selp-help and language. These differences persisted when differences between the social and environmental backgrounds of the children from Auckland and outside Auckland were controlled for. It was also found that Downs Syndrome, motor-delayed multihandicapped and normal children showed different rates of progress for motor, socialisation, cognitive/academic and language skills. Rates of progress were not different for self-help skills although the absolute level of achievement was significantly different for the three populations. The three groups of children showed different rates of growth in a variety of physical measurements, and different absolute sizes in several others. Downs Syndrome children have shorter limbs than either of the other two groups of children. They also have the narrowest jaws and a small thorax. Motor-delayed multihandicapped children have the smallest limb diameters but have the longest faces. Downs Syndrome, motor-delayed multihandicapped and normal children differ in several ways in their social and environmental backgrounds. Parents of Downs Syndrome children are older than parents of the other two groups. Mothers of intellectually handicapped children are less likely to have a job than mothers of normal children. Different health records are evident between the three populations. Normal children tend to be seen as more healthy by their parents. Intellectually handicapped children tend to have less ascorbic acid in their diet than normal children. Downs Syndrome children are more susceptible to minor environmental fluctuations than motor-delayed multihandicapped or normal children. The cumulative effect of this hostile environment can be seen in their short stature and smaller overall body dimensions compared to normal children. Motor-delayed multihandicapped children do not show the same reaction to the environment as Downs Syndrome children. In this more severely handicapped group, the effect of the motor and intellectual handicap over-rides any effect the environment might have. However, nutritional intake is closely related to physical growth in these children. This is because in most cases exercise does not mediate between nutritional intake and physical growth.

Whole document restricted, see Access Instructions file below for details of how to access the print copy. / This work examines aspects of contemporary Rarotongan society selected to illustrate how Rarotongans structure their reality. This is not a study of social change, but it does show how the vestiges of ideologies from the past have been reinterpreted and incorporated into the contemporary society. To demonstrate how the “traditional” ideologies have survived and co-exist with “modern” ideas, institutions of a pre-European origin, such as adoption practices, Māori medicine and the transmission of chiefly titles, are discussed. Rarotongans may view these and other customary practices according to several criteria from which they choose the one which is most appropriate to their purposes on any particular occasion. It is shown that Rarotongans are in the process of creating a cultural tradition which incorporates elements from their traditional past and European influences which are being transformed into something that is perceived as essentially Rarotongan.

This study is an interpretation of history related by Tūhoe historians of the Tauranga valley, a valley situated on the northern side of the Urewera ranges, North Island, New Zealand. It is also an interpretation of historical records relating to the Tauranga valley Tūhoe community. Fieldwork for the study was carried out between November 1977 and July 1978, and between November 1978 and May 1979. It is argued that Tūhoe history of the Tauranga valley comprises four separate, but connected, domains of discourse. The first domain considered includes narratives which link tribes and sub-tribes, and relate them to their land. The second concerns relationships between local whānau, extended families descended from grand-parents of elders now living. Accounts which comprise the third domain focus upon the identity of Rua Kenana, a Tūhoe leader who, with his people the Iharaira (or Israelites), established a ‘city of God’ at Maungapōhatu (at the source of the Tauranga river). The fourth domain is that of reminiscence. Three Tauranga valley settlements are described by four Iharaira elders; Tataiahape between 1909 and 1915, Matahī between 1915 and 1927, and Tāwhana in the late 1920s and 1930s. In order to highlight and explore distinctions between Tūhoe history and Western history, Tūhoe accounts are not integrated with documentary sources into a single narrative. The focus is upon Tūhoe history and documents are drawn upon where relevant to an understanding of this history as a distinctive mode of discourse.