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In Pakistan, educational institutions function in parallel under three separate systems: public, private and madrassas. The incidents of 9/11 brought madrassas into the limelight and they emerged as the most controversial educational institutions of Pakistan. International scholarship is polarized on the madrassa issue and presents two opposing pictures about these institutes. For some, madrassas are the cause of radical ideology and militancy, while for others they are a source of free education for the underprivileged. This research compares the attitudes of students attending madrassas with those of students attending other types of school. A comparison of the world view of students coming from different schooling systems was made concerning socio-political and educational issues including an examination of attitudes towards jihad and Islamic militancy. It is argued that students educated under different systems have divergent ideologies about the primary purpose of education, sectarian diversity, the status of women and non-Muslims in Pakistan and, most importantly, Islamic militancy. To determine the worldview of students about the aforesaid issues, both quantitative and qualitative approaches were used. The data were collected from the students of private and public schools and madrassas in South Punjab (N=500). It is argued that madrassas are stratified with some being more liberal than others. The questionnaire and interview tool used in the study attempted to find out the students‘ responses on armed Jihad, sectarian divide, the status of women, the position of non-Muslims in Pakistan and about the purpose of education. The analysis illustrated the ways in which Pakistani society is polarized along socio-economic lines and how different types of schooling are associated with distinct world views. The results indicate that the students from madrassas are somewhat more aggressive and intolerant towards the religious minorities and women than the students of English medium and Urdu medium public schools. They are also less tolerant towards people of other sects and are more susceptible to sectarian prejudices than their counterparts in the English medium and Urdu medium schools. In the same vein, the students from madrassas are more supportive of militancy and jihadist activities than their counterparts. In this regard, the students from Shia and Brailvi madrassas are comparatively less inclined towards the Jihadi notion than that of Ahle Hadith, Deaoband and Jamaat-e-Islami madrassas. While most previous studies of madrassas have presented them as homogeneous institutions, this study highlights the extent to which they are internally stratified and shows that the students studying in these schools have contradictory viewpoints with respect to certain socio-political and religious issues.

In this thesis I explore the debate over the state funding of Muslim schools in Britain, examining the arguments used for and against by the stakeholders involved. Qualitative interviews were conducted with head teachers, politicians, Muslim parents and representatives from a number of stakeholder organisations, to identify their reasons for supporting or opposing state funded Muslim schools. This research is necessary because until now the opinions of those directly involved have not been systematically researched, resulting in assumptions and generalisations about their views. Muslim schooling has become an increasingly fractious and polarised issue, and only by analysing the actual arguments used by those directly involved can we gain insight into the complexities underlying this debate. This data also allows me to explore how the issue of Muslim schooling relates to broader sociological questions about the rights, responsibilities and forms of belonging appropriate for minority communities in multicultural societies. In the findings I begin by reporting that the main arguments used in favour of state funded Muslim schools were equal rights, a better society, strengthened identity and educational benefits. I then move on to question why, given these strong favourable arguments, so few Muslim schools are currently in receipt of state funding. I ask whether this is due, at least in part, to Islamophobia. I then utilise models of political philosophy to evaluate the arguments surrounding state funded Muslim schools, and find that discourses of equality, social cohesion and identity are employed by both opponents and proponents. It is therefore possible to argue either for or against the state funding of Muslim schools from a liberal, a communitarian or a multiculturalist perspective. Finally I assess alternative solutions to the educational difficulties faced by Muslims in Britain, and conclude with my opinion about whether there should be state funded Muslim schools.

Using his own professional experiences and fieldwork in the north-east of London as a starting point, the author suggests that the time is now right to consider the place of Muslim supplementary education in a wider social and educational setting. He suggests that four factors support this: the growing public interest in the emergence of British Islam; the continuing debate about the efficacy of traditional forms of Islamic education; the increasing use of networking within the educational community; and the growing official recognition of the contribution made by supplementary schooling. Following a review of a wide range of relevant literary material, the author draws on a number of life-story interviews in order to portray the reality and variety of British Muslims' experience of Islamic education. The outcomes of ethnographic fieldwork are then used to describe and analyse what takes place in a British maktab (elementary mosque school). This includes a detailed explanation of how and why the Qur'an is learned, particularly by those individuals who are training to become huffaz (those who have committed the whole Qur'an to memory). The ways in which Muslim supplementary schools might form part of the wider social and educational community are then explored together with factors that might block or encourage the creation of such an ideal. Analysis includes a review of existing organisational attempts to promote the work of supplementary schooling. A case is also presented for the reappraisal of the role of memorisation as a distinct form of learning. The thesis ends with a concluding statement, focusing on the ideal of maktabs and mainstream LEA schools working together to mutual benefit, and a number of recommendations aimed at researchers and those involved in both Muslim and wider community schooling.