This study deals with the influence of other languages on Venda. It begins by looking at the various contact situations and then analyses the adaptation of foreign linguistic forms and their impact on the Venda language. Chapter 1 gives a historical perspective of Venda. The focus here is on the origin of the Venda language and the different contacts it has had with other languages during and after migration. Chapter 2 analyses the adaptation of foreign linguistic forms to the Venda lexical­ semantic system, while chapter 3 focuses on adoptives in relation to the Venda sound system. Chapter 4 focuses on the grammatical (i.e morphological and syntactic) adaptation . This chapter concludes by looking at the impact of adopted linguistic forms en the Venda grammatical system. The final chapter gives a general conclusion on the adjustment of adopted linguistic forms and their effects on the Venda language. / African languages / M.A. (African languages)

The Vhavenḓa are a conservative society and although they admire and follow other people’s cultures, they do not do this at the expense of their own traditions. Most Vhavenḓa are found in the far north of South Africa. The second largest group of Vhavenḓa is found in Gauteng Province. Vhavenḓa first met with the Europeans in the 19th century. The greatest influence on Tshivenḓa culture was brought about by the missionaries, who came with the aim of colonizing Africa and discouraging Africans from following their own culture and traditions, which the missionaries regarded as paganism. They forced Africans to change their African personal names and replace them with European ones, especially if they wanted to attend mission schools or when they sought employment. Traditionally, Tshivenḓa personal names were chosen by the male grandparent or another senior male person, or the role was played by the father of the child. The mother of the child did not have any say in the selection or bestowal of a personal name (Herbert, 1986; Moyo, 1996; Nkumane, 1999; Ndimande, 1998). Whenever Africans choose a personal name, it bears a particular meaning or it is the name of a deceased member of the family (Raper, 1983; Stayt, 1931; Thipa, 1986; Yanga, 1978). They do this in order to pacify the deceased. Africans believe that there are always connections between the living and the dead and that the dead have great influence on the lives of the living. Vhavenḓa practice teknonymy. The parents and the grandparents are addressed by the personal names of their children and grandchildren respectively. The name that is commonly used in this instance is the name of the firstborn. It happens that at times the personal names of the parents and grandparents are never used: some members of the community might never know these people by their real names (Arensen, 1988; Thipa, 1987). African personal names should all have meanings. They are used as a short history of the family or the community. Whenever personal names are used in communication, friction between people is minimized. Morphologically, Tshivenḓa personal names are derived from various Tshivenḓa word categories. They are formed using different morphemes that are available in the language. These morphemes assign meaning to the personal name. / African languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African languages)

Thesis (M.A. (African languages)) --University of Limpopo, 2009 / A critical analysis of the Revised National Curriculum Statement Grades R-9 (2002) and the Tshitatamennde tsho Sedzuluswaho tsha Kharikhulamu Gireidi R-9 (2002) has revealed that the role of equivalence in translation cannot be taken for granted. In the study, various types of translation equivalence, such as connotative, textual, dynamic and formal, are examined. The examination reveals that formal equivalence is the type of equivalence in which the source text has a corresponding word in the target language, whereas the dynamic equivalence occasionally translates texts out of context because it does not take into account the context of the text. The study also deals with translation methods such as word–for-word, idiomatic, semantic, and communicative. The role of equivalence in their use is examined. The study also reveals that some methods are not suitable because they distort the meaning, depending on the context of the text. The communicative method has been found to be the most suitable method in translation because it is the kind of method that fulfills the purpose of translation, which is communicative equivalence.This study also highlights the issue of technical translation in aspects such as assessment, learning areas, learning outcomes, and assessment standards. The analysis reveals that the translation of a technical term by another technical term has flaws, some of them are, namely, ambiguity and the distortion of information. The study also reveals that a technical term should be translated by a descriptive term.

The Vhavenḓa are a conservative society and although they admire and follow other people’s cultures, they do not do this at the expense of their own traditions. Most Vhavenḓa are found in the far north of South Africa. The second largest group of Vhavenḓa is found in Gauteng Province. Vhavenḓa first met with the Europeans in the 19th century. The greatest influence on Tshivenḓa culture was brought about by the missionaries, who came with the aim of colonizing Africa and discouraging Africans from following their own culture and traditions, which the missionaries regarded as paganism. They forced Africans to change their African personal names and replace them with European ones, especially if they wanted to attend mission schools or when they sought employment. Traditionally, Tshivenḓa personal names were chosen by the male grandparent or another senior male person, or the role was played by the father of the child. The mother of the child did not have any say in the selection or bestowal of a personal name (Herbert, 1986; Moyo, 1996; Nkumane, 1999; Ndimande, 1998). Whenever Africans choose a personal name, it bears a particular meaning or it is the name of a deceased member of the family (Raper, 1983; Stayt, 1931; Thipa, 1986; Yanga, 1978). They do this in order to pacify the deceased. Africans believe that there are always connections between the living and the dead and that the dead have great influence on the lives of the living. Vhavenḓa practice teknonymy. The parents and the grandparents are addressed by the personal names of their children and grandchildren respectively. The name that is commonly used in this instance is the name of the firstborn. It happens that at times the personal names of the parents and grandparents are never used: some members of the community might never know these people by their real names (Arensen, 1988; Thipa, 1987). African personal names should all have meanings. They are used as a short history of the family or the community. Whenever personal names are used in communication, friction between people is minimized. Morphologically, Tshivenḓa personal names are derived from various Tshivenḓa word categories. They are formed using different morphemes that are available in the language. These morphemes assign meaning to the personal name. / African languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African languages)

In this study an attempt is made to describe the morphological apects of Tshiguvhu. In chapter 1, it is indicated that historically, there was extensive early contact between Vhaguvhu and Balobedu and Tlokwa. In ,chapters 2 and 3, nouns and pronouns are analysed morphologically. Some similarities and differences between Tshiguvhu and Tshivenda are highlighted. These differences are ascribed to influences from Lobedu and Tlokwa. In chapters 4 and 5, the form of the verb and the use of verb forms in various tenses, where applicable, are described morphologically. Some verb roots and extensions have been influenced by Northern Sotho dialects whereas some have not. In chapter 6, the morphology of adverbs, interrogatives, conjunctions, ideophones and interjections are briefly described. In conclusion, it is indicated that Tshiguvhu is a dialect of Venda because of its cultural and historical bonds with Venda, although linguistically it shares some features with certain Northern Sotho dialects. / African Languages / M.A. (African Languages)

(M. A. (African Languages)) --University of Limpopo, 2015 / Ngudo ino yo sumbedza uri ho shumiswa mirero na maidioma manzhi kha u bvukulula vhuvha na nzulele ya vhafumakadzi kha maṅwalwa a Ṋetshivhuyu, M.J. na Sigogo, N.E. Ngudo yo tumbula uri kanzhi mirero na maidioma zwi shumiswa kha u tsikeledza vhafumakadzi fhethu hunzhi: mishumoni, mbinganoni, lufunoni na kha mavhusele. Tsikeledzo iyi i vha ya muhumbulo khathihi na ya ṋamani. Naho zwo ralo, ngudo yo wana uri hu na huṅwe hu si gathi hune mirero na maidioma zwa ṱuṱuwedza vhutshilo havhuḓi kha vhafumakadzi. Magumoni azwo, ngudo i themendela uri vhafumakadzi vha fanela u farwa zwavhuḓi, nge vha vha vhathu u fana na vhanna.

MA (Tshivenda) / Senthara ya M.E.R.Mathivha ya Nyambo dza Afrika, Vhutsila na Mvelele / Code switching is a factor that is affecting many languages in our communities. There are so many factors that have led people to code switch. People seem to think that it is a good thing to code switch overlooking the impacts of code switching. The aim of this research is to reveal the causes of code switching and its impact on Tshivenḓa language which is regarded as one of the minority languages in Zimbabwe. This study will reveal the causes of code switching Tshivenḓa language in Beitbridge town and the impacts of doing so which include among others language death and language shift. The study will also show how shortage of books, publishing companies, presence of private schools and the uninvolvement of government has contributed to code switching of Tshivenḓa language in Beitbridge town in Zimbabwe. The study will also put forth some recommendations that can be used in order to solve this problem of code switching languages.

In this study an attempt is made to describe the morphological apects of Tshiguvhu. In chapter 1, it is indicated that historically, there was extensive early contact between Vhaguvhu and Balobedu and Tlokwa. In ,chapters 2 and 3, nouns and pronouns are analysed morphologically. Some similarities and differences between Tshiguvhu and Tshivenda are highlighted. These differences are ascribed to influences from Lobedu and Tlokwa. In chapters 4 and 5, the form of the verb and the use of verb forms in various tenses, where applicable, are described morphologically. Some verb roots and extensions have been influenced by Northern Sotho dialects whereas some have not. In chapter 6, the morphology of adverbs, interrogatives, conjunctions, ideophones and interjections are briefly described. In conclusion, it is indicated that Tshiguvhu is a dialect of Venda because of its cultural and historical bonds with Venda, although linguistically it shares some features with certain Northern Sotho dialects. / African Languages / M.A. (African Languages)