This thesis explores meanings and intersections of place at Phnom Penh’s Olympic Stadium in relation to three interconnected periods of the city’s recent urban history. Constructed during a period of nation building shortly after Cambodia’s independence in 1953, the stadium was symbolic of what the young nation was striving to achieve. A period of political instability would soon follow during the early 1970s, eventually resulting in Phnom Penh falling to the Khmer Rouge in April 1975. During the ‘zero years’ from 1975-1979 in which the city’s residents were evacuated into labor camps throughout the countryside, the stadium became a site of military training and executions. More recently, the stadium has become widely celebrated as one of the few remaining informal public spaces in this rapidly changing city. Here, the stadium sits as a living witness, an evolving public space that is layered with a complex history. This witness speaks to urbanists about the importance of place in the post-violence city. Drawing heavily on empirical research undertaken at and around the Olympic Stadium in Phnom Penh over a 12-month period of residential fieldwork, this interdisciplinary study contributes to the ways in which urban planning theory and practice conceptualizes and addresses place in the context of the post-violence city. Conceptually, place can be read as a product of relations, and is constituted through time and memory. As such, place offers a powerful portal to engage questions of urban repair. Such a framework is helpful in examining how the stadium emerges as place, and in articulating some of the meanings of place within this everyday public space in the contemporary post-violence city. This study yields important findings surrounding the active historical significance of the stadium, the ongoing utility of the stadium, and the critical importance of the stadium within the context of rapid neoliberalisation and neopatrimonial planning in Phnom Penh. In light of current redevelopment plans, these findings speak with urgency to the preservation of the stadium and align more broadly towards calls for revamped interdisciplinary responses to urban repair after violence.

This thesis explores the surprising phenomenon of the existence of joint German-German teams in the three successive Olympic years of 1956, 1960 and 1964. This unusual example of cooperation – in the midst of Cold War hostilities - between the two antagonistic Germanys, West and East, was caused by: • the idealistic though illusionary conviction of Avery Brundage, influential President of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), that German-German cooperation in the field of Olympics, as initiated by him, would also result in closer political relations between the Federal Republic (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR): ‘a development in which politicians have patently failed’, he remarked; • the interest and hope of the GDR leadership that participation with the FRG in joint Olympic teams would open doors for international recognition of their country, a status the East struggled to achieve; • the expectation by leaders of the West German sports movement that cooperation with the GDR in the Olympic field would result in improved relations: this despite reservations in official quarters that striving for better relations with East Germany ran the risk of alienating its Western allies; • the concern of West German sports leaders that to spurn the Brundage initiative might leave the field free for Germany’s Olympic presence to become the sole domain of the GDR. In spite of much behind the scenes squabbling, West-East cooperation gathered pace in the 1950s, only to end with the summer Games at Mexico City in 1968. The demise of the experiment was preceded by an IOC decision of 1965 to abandon its support for a joint German team and to grant full recognition to a separate team of the GDR, as well as to the Federal Republic. With their aim achieved, the GDR lost interest in further joint ventures and the 1972 Munich Games witnessed the participation of two antagonistic German teams. The history of German-German Olympic cooperation remains a neglected theme in modern sports history. As well as exploring the origins, developments and unravelling of West-East cooperation – set within a changing diplomatic and sporting context – the thesis examines the return to more realistic, albeit cold, German-German relations. Avery Brundage’s dream was over, but it was remarkable that in the midst of the Cold War cooperation prevailed for over a decade.

Hosting an Olympic Games is a large and complex undertaking that requires years of planning, billions of pounds and thousands of people to stage. While the rationale behind expending the effort required to stage an event of this scale may vary from host to host, all hosts maintain the primary objective of staging the event safely and securely. The issue of terrorism has been a major concern for Olympic planners since the terrorist attack at the 1972 Munich Olympics. More recently, the terrorist bombing at the 1996 Atlanta Olympics and 9/11 have served to further amplify concerns of terrorism at these events and have increased pressures on hosts to ensure security. With the exception of incidents occurring before Games' openings, minor security breaches taking place during events, and terrorist threats directed at the Games, we have not witnessed a physical terrorist attack during an Olympi~4tft caused injuries or fatalities since the 1996 event. According to US News and World Rep~rt, there were .168 separate, significant terrorist attacks that occurred at sports-related events from 1972-2004.1 While it is impossible to know the reason for the lack of attacks on Olympics events in recent years, it is reasonable to postulate that the security policies in place have acted as a deterrent, at least in part. With this in mind, an array of questions arises: Which security policies have been adopted at events since the 1996 Games? Have all hosts employed the same security measures at their events? How can this be evaluated? Did 9/11 have an impact on Olympic security? Is there a "Best Practice" security model that is transferred from one Olympics to the next? This thesis explores those queries through answering the encompassing question: Is there an efficient, effective and systematic method for comparatively analyzing the security policies employed by various Olympic host cities, and what information would be generated by this . style of analysis? In response to this research question, this thesis applies General Morphological Analysis (GMA) to the topic of Olympic security policy. GMA is a methodology that has gained popularity over the past twenty years in the field of policy analysis and scenario development but has not been previously applied to the discipline of event security studies, which is what this study accomplishes. The core of this thesis consists of a twofold process: first, applying GMA to the topic of Olympic security from 2000 to 2012 to produce an analytical framework which allows for further, detailed analysis to be performed; and second, applying policy data to that framework to generate outcomes that can be analyzed in relation to the questions earlier raised regarding Olympic security policy. Through this process this thesis demonstrates GMA as an efficient and systematic method for comparatively analyzing topics in the field of event security policy and exhibits its effectiveness in generating unique findings from these policy inquiries. Through utilizing this method, an efficient and systematic analysis was able to be performed on an inherently qualitative and judgmental process. GMA's rigorous classifications and systematic process allow for the outcomes of the analysis to be replicated, which is a key benefit of utilizing this method in this topic. Through the use of matrixing, a comparative foundation is created onto which the security policies utilized at the Olympics can be superimposed in order to reveal where correlations in policy usage and event attributes exist. In performing this analysis, this study uncovered 79 trends in Olympics policy implementation that are original and noteworthy discoveries. Furthermore, this method allows for the observance of the transfer of policy between these events, which substantiates the commonly accepted theory of the existence of policy transfer. The fmdings of this research provide unique data on the impacts of 9/11 on the security policies employed at mega-events, and makes some interesting observations on the disconnect between the implementation of security policies and the level of threat present at these events.

This thesis explores the reporting of the Soviet international broadcaster Radio Moscow, and how it represented to listeners worldwide the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the subsequent US-led boycott campaign against the 1980 Moscow Olympic Games. In doing so, it builds on literature that has examined Cold War radio broadcasting, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the politics surrounding the Moscow Olympic Games. Specifically, this thesis sheds new light on the outputs of Soviet broadcasting, and on the ways the Soviet Union tried to justify their actions and condemn the actions of the US to different audiences worldwide. Using the BBC Monitoring Service material archived at Imperial War Museums, Duxford, and applying the concept of frame analysis, this thesis concentrates on six key moments after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in the build-up to the Moscow Olympics. It provides not only examples of how Radio Moscow reported specific events, but how the reporting evolved over time. In addition, the use of transcripts from broadcasts to multiple target audiences provides evidence of how Soviet broadcasting was adapted to appeal to different listeners worldwide, allowing for a comparison of reporting between regions, as well as over time, and to build understanding of how the Soviet Union viewed the world in 1980. The thesis shows that Radio Moscow adapted its broadcasting to appeal to different audiences, and it highlights key examples of how this was achieved. The case studies demonstrate a series of particularly prominent frames used by Radio Moscow, to both suggest and create divisions between groups and as a way of attempting to reinforce previous Soviet claims about the world. The study also examines how these were localised to appeal to the targeted audience, for example focusing on religion in broadcasts to the Middle East and specific world leaders in broadcasts to North America and Europe. The thesis concludes by discussing what this radio material demonstrates of the Soviet view of the world. In doing this, the thesis also highlights the usefulness of the BBC Monitoring Service as a tool for researchers looking to further explore radio broadcasting and alternative state-to-state diplomacy in detail.

This thesis uses archival evidence to construct the first full-length political history of the 1980 Moscow Olympic Games in the English language. It explains how the idea for this event appeared on the Soviet policy agenda in the years 1951-74, before examining some of the main contours of the USSR’s preparations for and orchestration of the Olympiad in the years 1975-80. These include economic and security measures, diplomatic and promotional efforts in the international arena, and internal propaganda and sport campaigns carried out by various agencies of the Soviet state. The overarching discussion centres on the political purposes underlying the XXII Games and the ways in which the idiosyncrasies of the communist system impacted on their administration. It thereby considers the importance of 1980 for the first time from the perspective of Soviet political history, in contrast to previous analyses which largely focused on the significance of the Western boycott of the event for historians’ understanding of American politics and /or international relations. It is revealed how the Olympics became the single most ambitious operation ever undertaken by the USSR to enhance its soft power in the Cold War international arena, whilst at home they were integrated into various long-standing domestic policies aimed at maintaining the legitimacy and stability of the Soviet system. In addition, the study considers the implications arising from the history of the Olympic project for historians’ overarching interpretation of the Brezhnev era (1964-82) in which it unfolded. Departing from the current scholarly focus on the social history of this period, the thesis analyses the various elements of the Games’ preparations and orchestration to offer both a challenge to the conventional interpretation of Brezhnev-era foreign policy goals, and an original critique of the dominant ‘stagnation’ paradigm as it has been applied to explain domestic political developments in the 1970s. The thesis concludes by considering some potential new departures for future research into the political history of the Brezhnev period.

Mega-event projects such as the Olympic Games or FIFA World Cup are unique large-scale projects that involve complex planning process, vast array of stakeholders and substantial capital investment. They attract global media attention and tourism to a host city. However, the success of a mega-event is not measured only in terms of its organisation and staging. It is crucial to create a sustainable positive post-event legacy because this is where the most of the long-term impacts will occur. Planning of such projects is a complicated process that requires consideration of multiple economic, environmental and social aspects and the trade-offs between them. The main objective of this work is to develop a comprehensive framework that can assist decision makers with assessment of the alternative site design scenarios in order to identify the optimum solution. A case study based on the London Olympic Park is applied to test the feasibility of the proposed framework. Stakeholders’ engagement in a mega-event project planning is a prerequisite for its success. This work demonstrates how a multi-criteria decision analysis (MCDA) tool can be applied to analyse and quantify the views of different stakeholder groups and identify the design features which are considered the most important by the majority of stakeholders. The environmental assessment framework includes a combination of computational models which evaluate and optimise the total emissions resulting from the transportation, materials, water and energy use, and a series of life cycle assessment (LCA) models which estimate environmental burdens resulting from municipal solid waste (MSW) treatment systems. The results of the assessment provide valuable information for the decision makers in terms of the amount of materials and energy used and related environmental burdens for each scenario. Optimisation models can determine ‘the optimum’ solution for each scenario which can serve as a performance benchmark during the planning process.

At the London 2012 Olympic Games, a football team representing Great Britain & Northern Ireland will take to the field for the first time since 1972. This research uses the often fractious and acrimonious debate surrounding this issue to gain insights and understandings about contemporary national identity and nationalisms in the United Kingdom. In particular, the objective is to show how these concepts may be influenced, affected or altered by the existence or absence thereof of a Great Britain Olympic football team at London 2012. A virtual ethnographic approach is adopted and a number of websites are identified where discussion and debate has already been undertaken between fans of the home nations teams: England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. The expectation was that the debate would reflect parallel political arguments regarding the constitutional make up of the United Kingdom. However, it transpired that this was not the case and the association between sporting and political arguments was less fervent and profound than was anticipated. This suggests that there is a degree of satisfaction among fans concerning the footballing and political status quo, particularly now that the way football is organised in the UK reflects the political make-up of the UK more than ever. A number of themes emerge, most notably those relating to anti-Englishness and the common conflation of England and Great Britain. The issue of social class is identified as being significant to these processes and the working class following and ethos that football has is central to this. Comparisons are made with cricket and rugby union to illustrate these points, and the significance of the England team's continued use of symbols that are usually associated with the UK, such as the anthem ‘God Save the Queen', is identified as contributing to instances of conflation. In these regards, the work of several theorists is deemed to be helpful in detailing the contemporary significance of nationalism. But it is the ‘banal nationalism' of Michael Billig that is seen to be most important and appropriate in describing the significance of the home nations teams to continuing constructions of the nation.

The Olympic Games' deviation from their goal of promoting simultaneously sportsmanship and human values has been demonstrated over the years, with exceptional examples of chauvinism, as well as ideological, political and economic pursuits. Tough competition has prevailed instead of cooperation, or creative communication, both in sports and other fields. IIluminating examples are boycotts, non-participant countries, and high levels of commercialization. This thesis constitutes a thorough historical examination of the two official proposals that were submitted by the Greek Government in 1976, and 1980, while in 1984 there was a reminder of the original proposal of 1976 by President Karamanlis of Greece to the International Olympic Committee (lOC), proposing the permanent holding of the Olympic Games at one site. The study introduces into the public domain for the first time information regarding the political and economic negotiations which took place in that period. The use of the personal archive of the former Prime Minister and former President of Greece, Constantine Georgiou Karamanlis, represents the basis of the study. Analyzing this archive in combination with elite interviewing constitutes the qualitative research methods adopted in this thesis. Specifically the interview, as part of the research, with the former British Ambassador to Moscow, Paris, Warsaw, and Athens (1996-1999) Sir Michael Llewellyn Smith, who was the only individual who had previous access to this archive, was deemed valuable for the nature of this research. This is the first time in the international literature that this particular issue will be thoroughly examined. The conceptual framework of the study asks whether the proposal of hosting the Olympic Games at one site is an expression of nationalism in sport. Furthermore, consideration is given to what happens.when the global idea of the Olympic Games meets the perspective of a permanent site, again with particular emphasis on issues of nationalism in sport. Within this context the issues that will be examined include: • Tension between the global idea of the Olympics and the Games held at one site; • The proposal as an expression of nationalism in sport; • The changing nature of the Olympic Games as a political tool. The study provides a new perspective on issues of globalization and nationalism in sport. The unique primary source of evidence that has been used offers a new basis of data for the research, while it highlights the relationship between Greece and the Olympic Movement.

This thesis examines attempts made by the British Library (BL) and other memory institutions in the UK to archive the London 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games. It has a specific focus on the intersections between collecting, storing and disseminating the Games’ knowledge legacy. The thesis makes an original contribution to the sparse body of research into archiving sport and Olympic content. It adopts a distinctive theoretical framework and offers a critical interpretation of qualitative data gathered from interviews with key actors and memory institution agencies about their approach to sport and London 2012 in particular. The awarding of the Olympic and Paralympic Games to London in 2005 represented a significant moment for the UK, as the city became the first to host three Games. The origins of the bid to host the Games stretch back to the late 1990s representing over 12 years worth of content generated in relation to this event. The stark contrast between the wealth of information this represented and the disparate, fragmentary record that remained from the 1908 and 1948 Games highlighted a concern that a significant opportunity to capture and document important sports mega-event content might be missed. The findings of the thesis demonstrate that the collection, storage and dissemination of London 2012’s knowledge legacy rely upon several factors. These include: the availability of sufficient funding; attitudes of individuals within memory institutions towards sport and archives; an abundance of ‘digital immigrants’ within memory institutions; and the value of content beyond sport. In addition, the evidence establishes that early intervention is essential to form a comprehensive archive of the Games and, furthermore, that obtaining custody of this content is crucial for memory institutions to provide a useful knowledge legacy for sports mega-events.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the impact of a Sports Mega Event (SME), the London 2012 Olympic and Paralympics Games, and the specific legacy objective that was set to increase grass-root sports participation. This research aimed to investigate the leveraging processes that were used to try to achieve this objective, through National Governing Bodies (NGBs) who were outlined by Sport England (SE) as the main delivery agent to support the participation initiatives associated to the London 2012 Games (Sport England, 2008). Through the community sports delivery system, NGBs have a network of Voluntary Sports Clubs (VSCs) that were utilised as the main delivery agents across the country. The theory of policy implementation was applied to investigate the processes and practices involved for these organisations both 'top down' (NGBs) and 'bottom up' (VSCs), to better understand their attitudes and experiences surrounding the London 2012 Games. Governance of sports organisations is highly correlated to the process of policy implementation within NGBs and their associated networks. The top-down and bottom-up implementation processes, mirror the modification within the governance literature, through an attrition of governmental power, policy delivery and governance shifted towards a bottom-up approach through partnerships and networks (Bevir and Rhodes, 2006; Grix, 2010). This was investigated through two main studies, firstly through a multi case study design, with four non-popular English sports. This study took a bottom-up approach, in which 32 interviews were undertaken primarily with the VSCs (n=25), the delivery agents of the participation objective, then additionally with NGB head office staff (n=7) to investigate their opinions of the legacy implementation process within their sport surrounding the legacy objectives. The significance of investigating these non-popular sports, related to the distinctive opportunity that a home Olympic and Paralympic Games provided them. The second study involved a top-down analysis with NGB senior managers, to gain an insight into how they perceive SMEs and the impact this had on leveraging and implementation strategies, which aimed to increase sports participation. An exploratory, in-depth, mixed method online survey was conducted post London 2012 and 105 responses were received from NGB senior and regional managers. These responses accounted for 37 out of 46 Sport England funded sports producing an extensive representative sample within the sector. This provided a more comprehensive understanding of the sports delivery system and the elements that are involved in legacy production. Results provided new insights into the specific attitudes and significant role that these key stakeholders involved with the legacy production process have, which up to this point has been missing within the academic discourse. Across both studies issues surrounding communication, VSC engagement and attitudes were noted, relating to the importance of building partnerships at both a national and local level and the benefits of social media as a leveraging strategy. Principally, NGBs need to ensure they involve Voluntary Sports Clubs (VSCs) in the SMEs planning stages and the current top-down implementation process is leading to a fragmented delivery system. To limit this, NGBs need to develop a clearer understanding of their VSCs characteristics across their network, as findings highlighted the negative feelings and misuse of some clubs, reducing the efficiency of legacy creation. Thus, by allowing flexibility for informal legacies to emerge and by providing support to VSC stakeholders that may need up-skilling, the SMEs can be capitalised on effectively. Results highlighted that external media had a greater impact on participation and interest, than individual participation programmes for VSCs. Valuable findings emerged throughout the thesis and resulted in beneficial recommendations for future SMEs hosts. Critical Realism (CR) was used as a guiding philosophical perspective to aid understanding and analysis of leveraging and legacy conceptualisation.