This thesis examines metalwork deposition, distribution and association in the British Early Iron Age (800-600BC) through the medium of the socketed axe. Out of 1412 known Early Iron Age axes, 954 specimens were analysed in detail for this thesis: 680 associated finds and 274 single finds. The methodology was governed by two main objectives: firstly, to propose a reworked and more comprehensive typology of Early Iron Age cast copper-alloy and wrought iron socketed axes in conjunction with their metallurgy, distribution and deposition, and secondly, to discuss their place within Early Iron Age society and what part they may have played in the people’s life, work, trade and exchange, ritual and death. As a result, this thesis introduces, defines and discusses 12 new types of transitional and Early Iron Age socketed axes. While the transitional type can be dated to the Late Bronze Age-Early Iron Age transition (c. 850-750BC), the remaining 11 types can be dated to the fully developed Early Iron Age (800-600BC). The 11 types of bronze Early Iron Age socketed axes display a great variety of decoration, shape, size, weight and colour. While Late Bronze Age axes are plain or simply ribbed, almost all Early Iron Age socketed axes are decorated with ribs-and-pellets, ribs-and-circlets or a more elaborate version thereof. Some axe have a shiny silver surface colour (Portland, Blandford, East Rudham and Hindon types). More than three quarters of Early Iron Age socketed axes were found in association with other metalwork. These hoards can be divided into two main groups: axe hoards and mixed hoards. The eight geographical regions outlined in this thesis are defined by different contexts, associations and the predominance of different Early Iron Age axe types, and in terms of depositional contexts this research suggests that the depositional contexts of Early Iron Age hoards containing socketed axes was different from the deposition of single finds: while hoards were often found in retrievable places, single finds were not. The survival of a large number of complete and almost undamaged bronze axes suggests that in the British Early Iron Age socketed axes were not just commonplace tools that were in use until they reached the end of their life. The changes in looks and shape, and consequently the adaption of a new and improved typology of socketed axes in the British Early Iron Age were accompanied by a change in conceptualisation and the overall meaning of socketed axes. Even when used in a different context their basic, very recognisable socketed-axe-shape was always maintained, that is a wedge of different dimensions with a socket and a small side loop for suspension or possible attachment of other items of metalwork. Throughout British prehistory axes were one of the most familiar objects in daily use: as a tool, socketed axes were omnipresent and thus an established part of British Late Bronze Age life – a life that appeared to be foremost practical rather than ritual, with the majority of Late Bronze Age socketed axes showing clear signs of use and resharpening. In the Early Iron Age socketed axes adopted a previously unseen duality in function and meaning (that is materialistic and symbolic). Thus, while Late Bronze Age axe may have been regarded as common woodworking tool, types of Early Iron Age axes were understood as ingots, weapons, or objects needed for certain displays or performances, with their unique ornaments communicating their role in both display and society as well as perhaps their users regional identity and status.

The principle aim of the thesis was to examine the technology of Late Iron Age decorated metal work at a time of dynamic change from both internal and external factors. The objects chosen for this study were predominantly from dry land hoards, and superficially had many aspects in common. The majority of these hoards were deposited in Britain in the mid first century AD (slightly later in the case of Middlebie in south west Scotland), and located in areas of attested historical conflict with the invading Roman army. Predominant amongst the kind of objects in the hoards were those associated with horses and carts or chariots; an artefact type of social and historical significance to native British Iron Age societies. It is argued that the manufacture, use and deposition of these objects were an important factor in maintaining relationships between different Iron Age groups in the face of threats from an invading force. Chemical analysis of objects from this period is important. The first century AD witnessed both technological sophistication and conservatism as the Iron Age metalworkers confronted the introduction, through continental influence and the Roman army, of new materials such as brass, and the re-introduction of piece moulds and leaded copper alloys. Coloured Roman glass was also introduced and used in many parts of Britain, but Insular La Tène style metalwork continued to be decorated using sealing wax red glass (a specific Iron Age technology). On the whole, an innate conservatism in object styles and materials were maintained, irrespective of acquired knowledge and the availability of new technologies. In fact, Late Insular La Tène art developed and flourished, as some indigenous Britons adopted a strong identity through the use of specific objects, technologies and artistic styles; recognisable throughout large parts of Britain.

This research project has focused on exploring the relationship between people and cattle, and other animals, in Early Neolithic southern Britain. Cattle remains have been proven to be deposited at a range of sites dating to this period, from the early transitional stage of the period to the more established phase of long barrow and causewayed enclosure construction. Detailed re-assessment of published faunal reports from six sites dating to the earliest Neolithic has indicated that cattle comprise a major component of assemblages from the beginning of the period and that, with the exception of one site, the lack of significant amounts of other animals has highlighted just how large the disparity is between the deposition of cattle remains and those of other animals. Detailed re-assessment of thirty earthen and stone chambered long barrow reports was also undertaken and the depositional practices at these two types of site compared with each other and the earliest Neolithic sites. Although there are clear and obvious differences in the depositional practices at these sites, due largely to the purpose for which they were used, this study has demonstrated that the animals that comprise these assemblages show a continuity throughout this period. The faunal assemblages from three causewayed enclosures were assessed. In these contexts cattle comprised an even greater proportion of the assemblage than at the other sites and when combined with the other domestic species, pig and sheep/goat, formed almost the entirety of the assemblage. Cattle appear to be intricately involved with the lives of people at this time, possibly because their natural characteristics align well with the lifeways of people during this period.

Iron Age coastal communities in England have been poorly understood since the beginning of our discipline. This is mainly as result of the lack of evidence for everyday maritime activities and also the focus of research on explaining an agro-pastoral way of living. Evidence of fishing, boats, harbour structures and ports are very rare archaeologically, and thinking about people living by the sea in this period has been widely overlooked as most of the interest has been the nature of the connections and trade-networks (mainly by Cunliffe 2008). In contrast, evidence for non maritime activities, such as farming and cattle rearing is so rich that looking to the coast only happens in special situations. Using the Isles of Scilly as a case study, this research challenges the established views that societies on the coasts of south-west of England were mainly cattle herders and farmers. Through palaeolandscape reconstruction, site analysis and material culture study, this research argues that settlement on the coastline is as important as that found inland. It shows that Iron Age maritime aspects of culture were deeply embedded within cultural traditions and that the maritime way of living had little to do with extraordinary or unusual situations. This research shows that preconceived ideas of what a maritime site should look like, as is the case of harbour structures and important ports, divert the attention from the subtleties of recognising maritime culture’s signature. It is through the study of archaeological context and environmental evidence that these are likely to become more obvious. Therefore, throughout this document the analysis of maritime landscape, settlement pattern and material culture generates new perspectives on how to approach the study of maritime societies in archaeology.

This thesis addresses the significance accorded, past and present, to those axe-heads of flint and stone that were imported to Britain from the Continent. It starts from the premise that this poorly understood body of material has been overlooked and has been made effectively ‘peripheral’ in Neolithic studies, particularly over the past five decades or so. This is due to the insularity of British Neolithic scholarship as a reaction against the invasion hypothesis and diffusionist models. The aim of the study is to redress this imbalance, pulling material back into focus, establishing a secure evidential base and exploring the likely conditions in which these often distinctive items made their way across the water. The work presented here rests upon the argument that these ‘imported’ axe-heads of flint and stone made their way into what is today called Britain as objects of considerable significance. Specifically, they were items of high symbolic value that played a crucial role in fostering the particular ways of thinking about, and addressing, social identity that are associated with the Neolithic. These issues are effectively the intellectual or academic context or background for the project, whose main objectives are the close and detailed cataloguing of relevant material, and a documentation of the ‘detective work’ needed to establish the credentials of each artefact.

his thesis explores Early Bronze Age round barrows in a distinctive landscape, the Anglo-Welsh borderland. It is a landscape of contrasts, encompassing the lowlands and plains of the Midlands counties to the east and the uplands of the west. Although the region has been recognised as a valid unit of study, many previous studies have been constrained by national and county boundaries. Recent research on the prehistoric archaeology of the region has addressed this problem but until now the area’s round barrows have received little attention. This thesis se rves to redress this imbalance and considers round barrows in their historic and regional context. A multi-scalar approach to the study has been taken. At the macro scale, the morphology, distribution and broad topographic settings are examined in addition to an analysis of factors relating to the survival and destruction of the regions barrows. It is argued that the location of the borderlands may have led to some of the distinct architectural elements present in the region. For the most part, round barrows in the study area do not coalesce in to large cemeteries as seen elsewhere; the general pattern being that of isolated or paired barrows, yet relatively dense clusters have been identified. These are analysed at the meso scale to establish the relationships of barrows within these clusters to each other, to earlier monumentality and to the wider landscape. Here it is suggested that different rationales led to their formation, in some instances rep resenting different communities’ access to resources and routeways. The analysis then proceeds at the micro - scale and considers the problem of why build a round barrow in the first place. By examining a single, well excavated site of two barrows in close proximity with a reasonable degree of contemporaneity, it is possible to mitigate against certain variables to explore the role of choice when a community built a barrow. The role of deposition, including that of human remains is considered and it is argued that such practices were strategies to effect change within the world of the living.

Archaeological records at the Navan site are fragmented and difficult to interpret. This site, in County Armagh, Northern Ireland, features artefacts extending over 4,000 years from the Neolithic period to the Iron Age. This thesis provides a framework for understanding this important material culture. Through an analysis of archaeological theories and specific physical items, links are established among the natural world, culture, and the Navan residents’ understanding of the cosmos. This analysis covers the landscape (e.g. topography), constructed objects (e.g. prehistoric infrastructure such as pools, roads and earthworks), and metaphysical concepts (e.g. sound and time), thus building a holistic picture of how these settlers might have viewed themselves, the physical world around them, and the spiritual world they imagined. While it is not possible to determine definitively these groups’ purposes and motives, the thesis finds clues in the incoherentarchaeological evidence. It explores possible functions for archaeological markers whose significance is not clear. These markers could, for instance, have beenmeans of social separation orceremonial signifiers. Therefore the thesis is both an analysis of a particular site and an investigation into how the archaeological process itself, specifically in a situation of challenging evidence, enables distant worlds to be understood.

This thesis presents a co-ordinated study of the chronology, environment, and material culture of the Upper Palaeolithic in Britain, based upon a re-evaluation of extant old evidence and on the results of the author's specially undertaken excavations. A chronological scheme is proposed for the British Upper Palaeolithic, based on a new correlation of the stratigraphic and radiocarbon evidence. Two main divisions of the period are recognized, an Earlier phase and a Later one, which can be shown to be separated by the maximum ice advances of the Full Last Glacial (c. 20,00 to 15,000 years B.P.). Dates are available for the Earlier Upper Palaeolithic ranging from c. 29,000 to 18,000 B.P., which period covers the latter half of the Middle Last Glacial. Granulometric, pollen and faunal evidence suggest a Sub-Arctic to Arctic environment. The Later Upper Palaeolithic appears to date from c. 14,500 to 10,000 B.P., occupying most of the Late Last Glacial, and is associated with a varying Boreal to Sub-Arctic environment. The question of the relationship of Britain to the continent of Europe in terms of land-bridges is considered in some detail. The faunal analysis for both phases includes an assessment of the principal and preferred sources of meat for the human population. The distribution of Upper Palaeolithic sites is carefully considered, and the question of home bases and the strategy for exploiting the food resources of the various areas of Britain is discussed whenever the evidence permits. The study of these aspects is supported by a specially prepared series of maps. The typological range of the Earlier and Later Upper Palaeolithic tool-kits is studied and described on the basis of the author's own scheme, which has a simple ranked structure. Clear and important typological differences exist between the two phases. A number of simple metrical and statistical tests are employed, principally for comparison of individual stone tool assemblages within each stage, on the basis of which the question of sub-division is discussed. A large series of new artifact illustrations is presented to cover most of the British assemblages. A series of gazetteers list all the definite, possible and claimed British Upper Palaeolithic sites and the artifacts from them. Other aspects of the industries, such as the use of different raw materials, are also considered. The archaeological relationships between the British and continental Upper Palaeolithic assemblages are briefly discussed, but no firm conclusions can be offered until an exhaustive study of certain relevant continental material has been undertaken. A few suggestions are offered for future research in this and other fields, and the question of what terminology is most appropriate for the British Upper Palaeolithic is considered in the light of the author's research.

This thesis addresses the nature of play, its relationships with the world, and the relationships between people and objects. The study is exploratory; rather than confining itself too strictly to a particular time or place it has followed the evidence as new areas of interest have unfolded. Throughout all this it has remained grounded in an interest in the archaeology of the Scottish Northern Isles, and in a desire to better understand the archaeological evidence for play from an anthropological viewpoint. It begins with an account of ethnographic fieldwork among chess players (in Edinburgh and Orkney) and players of euchre (a card game played on the Orcadian island of Westray) and moves on to consider the findings in the light of archaeological sources. As the study progresses several key themes emerge. The work carried out amongst chess and card players leads towards a more cognitive appreciation of these activities: how can the relationship between player and pieces be understood? It becomes clear that players use their pieces as proxy forms for their own actions or intentions: can the pieces, then, be said to possess agency, or is some other factor at play? Also, do the movements of chess pieces and cards represent a simple form of notation, or is this a more active engagement, one where person and thing are involved in something more complex? It is suggested here that these relationships can best be understood as an example of 'active externalism', where cognition is not contained but distributed in the immediate environment. Consideration of the role of gaming pieces leads towards an examination of the ways in which the manipulation of objects during play brings new and unexpected discoveries to the participants. The discussion addresses this theme in terms of bricolage and considers the placement of things singly and in sets. Turning then to a review of the archaeology, a major impediment is immediately encountered, which lies in the difficulty Turning then to a review of the archaeology, a major impediment is immediately encountered, which lies in the difficulty of identifying play in the archaeological record prior to a certain point in time. This initially leads to a focus on the archaeology of the first millennium AD before returning to a reconsideration of the nature of the evidence, and of our expectations of where play should be found. A consideration of ritual, for example, brings the role of play into sharp focus and points out how these divisions are not so clear cut. This thesis is a critical appraisal of the archaeological evidence for play and a reappraisal of the relationship between play — an activity which is most often understood as 'set apart' — and everyday life; leading to the conclusion that play is not in fact so separate. The focus on archaeology and game playing gives this thesis an object-centred orientation, together with a certain time-depth, however the discussion demonstrates how the findings are also reflexive: whether in the chess club or on the archaeological site, it also finds play-like or ludic ways of dealing with the world in everyday life.

This thesis offers an archaeological and ethnographic examination of the coin-tree custom, which is essentially what its name suggests: the practice of inserting coins into trees. These trees are often in the form of logs or stumps, and they are commonly located beside well-traversed footpaths in rural/semi-rural areas. The custom can be traced back to the 1860s in Scotland, but has experienced a late 20th/early 21st-century renaissance, with clusters of coin-trees emerging across England, Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland, and the Republic of Ireland. No previous academic attempt has been made to either catalogue these structures or contextualise the practice; it is the aim of this thesis, therefore, to do both. Proffering a catalogue of 197 individual coin-trees distributed across 34 sites (detailed in the appendices), this thesis draws on a wide range of resources in order to elucidate the custom: literary works, both historical and contemporary; the empirical data of the coin-trees themselves; and the ethnographic material of over 200 participant interviews. The history of the custom is traced, including a consideration of why it has experienced a recent resurgence – particularly at a time popularly conceived of as a ‘secular age’. The questions of how and why people participate are examined in detail, revealing a mutability to the ‘meaning’ of the custom, and a consideration of the future and heritage of the coin-tree structures themselves is also offered. The thesis closes with a suppositional vignette: what would an archaeologist find if she uncovered a coin-tree site in the future? How would she interpret the remains? And what does this reveal about archaeological methodologies, ritual interpretations, and the relationship between folklore and material culture?