This thesis constructs a theory of ideology that outlines various ways individuals internalise conditions in advanced consumer capitalist societies. It defines a concept of ideology and an approach to analysing ideological rationalisation, and identifies currently prevalent ideologies in terms of beliefs, levels of social awareness, and contradictions. These aims are achieved via critical examination of existing ideology theories, in particular those of Herbert Marcuse, Fredric Jameson, and Slavoj Žižek. Specifically, we analyse their dialectical and psychoanalytic conceptions of subjectivity, or approaches to ideology that emphasise both its necessity and partiality, and thus imply a certain inherent potential for transformation. We also affirm their notions of society as an incomplete totality, whose consumerist pluralism is based around some repressed or excluded element, and the idea that ideology theory should identify with that element to gain a wider social perspective. However, our ideology theory does not focus as fully as theirs on the unconscious, or ideology as a libidinal attachment to existing social relations that is identifiable through behaviour, rather than consciously articulated ideas. While we accept a concept of libidinal attachment, we equally emphasise the role that consciously rationalised beliefs and values play in sustaining it by justifying behaviour. We understand that conscious rationalisation is not merely a secondary effect of attachment, because it becomes a necessary support in all ideologies that can affect attachment itself if sufficiently challenged. This notion enables us to consider the limits of specific ideologies, and their conditional relations to dominant power structures, that many ideology theories understate. It also has repercussions for the radical political possibilities that Marcuse, Jameson and Žižek analyse, in that, while we accept many of the obstacles that face notions of political change in today’s consumer capitalist societies, our theory implies more direct ways in which alternative ideas can challenge dominant social relations by confronting contradictions in affirmative ideologies.

This is primarily a detailed study of Turkmen history in the nineteenth century or in the age of imperialism, but it also deals with the Anglo-Russian rivalry in Central Asia, which effected greatly the fate of the Turkmens. The work begins with the study of Turkmenia, its country and people; and then the early history of the Turkmen people up to 1800, in order to understand their position in the nineteenth century. The economic, social and political structure of the Turkmen society, in particular their traditional unwritten law, Tore, are examined in detail in order to understand how the Turkmens were able to survive as a small nation. Then, the struggle of the Turkmens for independence against the Khivan and Persian yoke from the beginning of the nineteenth century up to 1860, the formation of a union among themselves, and their relations with the neighbouring nations are also studied in detail. However, the independence of the Turkmens was threatened by the rivalry between Britain and Russia in Central Asia. Because of this rivalry, the Russians, who had already conquered the Khanates of Central Asia, began to prepare for the conquest of Turkmenia in order to place themselves in an advantageous position in Central Asia against British India in case of a conflict with Britain. The rest of the work is a detailed study of the Turkmens and their remarkable resistance against the Russian invasion from 1869 to 1885.

The sudden death of the Prince of Orange William II in 1650 was followed by twenty-two years of government without a stadholder in the majority of the Dutch provinces. The hopes of the Orangists centred on his posthumous son William III and the expectation that one day he would succeed to the offices of his forefathers. To this end, the supporters of the House of Orange defined and defended the role of the stadholderate within the constitutional framework of the Dutch Republic. This thesis examines the nature of the stadholderate in Orangist polemic and imagery and the crucial role which the 'single head' was alleged to play within the Union of Utrecht. Rebutting the writings of John de Witt and his supporters, the Orangists were to argue that without a stadholder and captain general the Dutch Republic was doomed to fall victim to internal discord or external aggression. Orangist sentiment centred on the person of the young prince and the gratitude owed to his forefathers. Inherent in this thinking was the assumption that only William III could become stadholder in his turn. Essential to this strategy was the rebuttal of attacks on the persons and policies of the previous stadholders, particularly William I and Maurice. At critical times, the supporters of the Prince were able to exploit a strand of popular Orangism which came to fruition in the crisis year of 1672. This thesis examines the various strands of the Orangist argument. The sources used include political pamphlets, particularly those listed in the Knuttel collection. poetry, drama and visual imagery including portraits, prints and medals. The aim of the thesis is to bring together sources from the various media to create a coherent picture of the Orangist case from 1650 to William III's failure to become Duke of Gelderland in 1675.

The Fete de l'Etre supreme, celebrated throughout France on the 20 Prairial Year II, (8th June 1794), has been the subject of detailed comment by historians since the Revolution, the overwhelming majority of whom have concentrated on the political importance of the festival in the history of the Jacobin administration and in the career of its instigator, Maximilien Robespierre. The intention of this thesis is to re-examine the cultural evidence for the proposition that the Fete was a major benchmark in the cultural development of revolutionary France by evaluating both its immediate cultural impact and its importance to the development of the culture of the later stages of the Revolution. After a brief overview of how historians viewed the events of 20 Prairial, the thesis will first consider why Robespierre might have felt it necessary to proclaim a quasi-religious system such as the Culte of the Supreme Being at this stage of the Revolution, secondly how the French people reacted to his proposal, and finally how the various elements of the Fete integrated with the culture of the period. It will then examine the celebrations not only in Paris but also in other cities, towns and villages throughout France, as well as investigating the financial problem for central, regional, and local government in having to meet the unforeseen extra expense of this event. After examining the reaction to the Fete throughout France as shown in the work of contemporary commentators, this thesis will attempt to prove that the Fete de l'Etre supreme of 20 Prairial Year II, marked the watershed between the exaggerated simplicity and utilitarianism of the early years of the Revolution and the extravagant, colourful and sensual culture of the Directoire and the Consulat.

The thesis has four main contentions; 1. that neutrality has undergone a fundamental change since the advent of the Nuclear Age and that this is most apparent in neutral States whose neutrality is a product of the Second World War settlement. Within this, the importance of foreign policy has greatly increased. The legal doctrines established in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are no longer applicable in the former manner. 2. that Austria's common history with Germany, especially in the period 1938-45, has had a profound effect on the conduct of postwar Austrian foreign policy, directly affecting relations with neighbouring States and the victorious allies. Here too a disturbing divergence between the statements of the political establishment in Austria and political reality since 1955 emerges. The development of a global-scale foreign policy has been in part a response to the growing importance of markets in the developing world and partly a reaction to the stifling effects of this historical legacy. 3. that Austria's foreign policy is based on an unstable equilibrium between the status of permanent neutrality, which since 1955 has had to operate in the context of two ideologically opposed groups, and allegiance to liberal democracy and hence to one of the parties to this ideological conflict. One of the important functions of Austrian policy has been to prevent this reality from becoming the object of manipulation from abroad. This difficulty has been most apparent in the debates over detente and the E.E.C. 4. that the continuing success of Austria, along with other small States in manipulating the World System to their advantage suggests that pure 'realist' and 'world systems' models of international relations are oversimplistic.

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Beginning in winter 1942, occupied Greece was ravaged by a full scale famine, claiming a total of some 260,000 victims. The famine was combatted with a large-scale relief scheme, sanctioned by the British and operated mainly through U.S. funds and other assistance. By itself this fact could appear to cast doubts to widely accepted a~ioms: it has often been generally assumed that U.S. interest in Greece began with the announcement of the Truman Doctrine in 1947. In reality, as this study of U.S. policy towards the famine illustrates, this interest, became apparent at an earlier stage. The aim of this thesis is to study the Greek famine with two main objectives in sight. The first, more modest one, is to provide an account for the Allied policy towards the famine, as well as the processes that created this policy. The second, more ambitious objective is to explain the motivation behind the policy of the Allies and attempt to account for the shift of pre-eminence in Western policy towards Greece, from its traditional seat in London across the Atlantic to Washington. The subject is approached at two distinct levels, the Greek famine being the common link between both. At the first level, the famine is a case study to test the different administrative responses to the need for foreign policy action. At the second level, the Greek famine is an illustrative case of the shift of power resources between the two major 'Western Powers and their attitudes towards this shift. In order to achieve these objectives, use is to be made of the literature on bureaucratic politics and the flow of information within organizations, for both Britain and the U.S.; also the relation of their respective decision-making processes - on the basis of intelligence available at the time to their response to the famine in Greece. As will be shown, while other aspects of 20th century Greek History have been studied in some depth, the particular episode of the famine has hitherto been overlooked. It is hoped that this thesis will, at least partially, fill this gap and underline its wider importance for the development of western policy towards Greece

A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of PhD in History in the Faculty of Humanities, School of Arts, Histories and Cultures, 2009. This dissertation explores the humanitarian assistance provided by the Friends Relief Service (FRS), the relief assistance branch of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers), to Displaced Persons camps in Germany from 1945-1948. The award of the Nobel Peace Prize, in 1947, for their 'work with Displaced Persons validated the FRS achievements; however, knowledge of their work is surprisingly limited, even among Quaker followers. Literature on the FRS has largely been written by those who served among its ranks and despite the wealth of archival documentation and oral testimony, little in-depth study of the organisation has previously been undertaken. By focusing on a particular context and a particular group of workers, including the impact that their encounter with Displaced Persons had on their own emotional well being and physical health, a contribution can be made to historicising humanitarianism - the conditions under which humanitarian intervention takes place and the assumptions that relief workers make. FRS workers focused on the empowerment of those needing relief, and they perceived their role as a duty rather than a profession. Discussion of Quaker relief efforts prior to the Second World War will highlight the precedents drawn on by the FRS; the ability to draw on this expertise provided FRS workers with an understanding of the emotional and physical demands of relief work (lacking in other organisations) and instilled progressive 'humanitarian' working practices. In assessing the work of the FRS, it is essential to examine not just how the FRS workers viewed themselves, but how they were perceived by those at home, i.e., the Friends House administration, Council of British Societies for Relief Abroad and the British Government, and by those in the field, i.e., the Displaced Persons, other voluntary relief bodies, the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, British army and military government in Germany. These relationships cannot be viewed in isolation because each had a direct impact on the way the FRS functioned. Through assessment of FRS efforts in Germany (examination of the work of relief teams, including the relationships they formed with official relief authorities in the field, their own administration at home, and those they went to assist) this dissertation intends to demonstrate that the Quakers' distinctive contribution in Germany can be put forward as an historical case study of successful participatory humanitarian initiative.