The avowed, aim of the study was to examine various aspects of the Glasgow colonial merchant community at a crucial time in its history. Specifically it was intended to ascertain the number of Glasgow merchants involved in trade to North America and the West Indies between 1770 and 1815 to discover their origins, the degree of mobility among them, the extent of their social and political dominance in the city and the surrounding area and the nature of their trading methods and organisation. A second intention was to investigate their reactions to the American War of Independence and their activities during the period of hostilities. Since the experiences of these merchants during the way has been a subject of some controversy in recent writing on Scottish economic history Part II of the thesis was devoted entirely to a discussion of these problems. The final part concentrated on an examination of the role of the colonial merchant group in domestic industrial and agricultural change. It was concluded that there were about 165 merchants operating in Glasgow's colonial trades during this period. This relatively small number is probably explicable because of the atypically extensive financial resources required to prosecute such commerce successfully. Entry into this established elite was possible though very difficult: between 1770 - 1815 about fifty per cent of the merchants came from outwith the community itself. The fathers of these men were from middling social groups such as lairds, large farmers, lawyers, bankers, clergymen, teachers and merchants in other trades. The open-endedness of the community was preserved by insolvency among established members, by social mobility into the The avowed, aim of the study was to examine various aspects of the Glasgow colonial merchant community at a crucial time in its history. Specifically it was intended to ascertain the number of Glasgow merchants involved in trade to North America and the West Indies between 1770 and 1815, to discover their origins, the degree of mobility among them, the extent of their social and political dominance in the city and the surrounding area and the nature of their trading methods and organisation. A second intention was to investigate their reactions to the American War of Independence and their activities during the period of hostilities. Since the experiences of these merchants during the way has been a subject of some controversy in recent writing on Scottish economic history Part II of the thesis was devoted entirely to a discussion of these problems. The final part concentrated on an examination of the role of the colonial merchant group in domestic industrial and agricultural change. It was concluded that there were about 165 merchants operating in Glasgow's colonial trades during this period. This relatively small number is probably explicable because of the atypically extensive financial resources required to prosecute such commerce successfully. Entry into this established elite was possible though very difficult: between 1770 - 1815 about fifty per cent of the merchants came from outwith the community itself. The fathers of these men were from middling social groups such as lairds, large farmers, lawyers, bankers, clergymen, teachers and merchants in other trades. The open-endedness of the community was preserved by insolvency among established members, by social mobility into the professions and landownership and by the rapid expansion of colonial commerce which stimulated recruitment. Although social and political control of the city was in the hands of the colonial merchant elite at the beginning of our period, by the end it was reduced more to the level of yet another commercial interest in Glasgow. This resulted from the rise of domestic entrepreneurs, the collapse of the tobacco trade and the difficulties of West Indian commerce in the 1800a. Part II cast doubt on traditional interpretation of merchant response to the American war. It was stressed that opinion, though aware of emerging difficulties between colonies and mother country, did not expect rebellion, that debt owed Glasgow by American planters was much greater than is often suggested; that West Indies trade stagnated during the war and that though the community was under great pressure, bankruptcies were few because of profits from tobacco sold at wartime boom prices and because of long experience in handling a speculative commodity. The role of mercantile funds in industry was seen to be important with extensive linkages in a miscellany of units including coal-mining, cotton spinning and iron finishing. In agriculture, the extensive penetration of merchants into landownership was regarded as a fundamental factor In agriculture change in West - Central Scotland.

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The island of Iona had the primacy of the Columban familia from the foundation of the monastery by St Columba in the sixth century until Viking invasions led to a transfer of primacy to Kells in the ninth century. Though located off the coast of western Scotland, it was not isolated from the Insular and Christian world. Surviving documents demonstrate the learning and outlook of the monks on Iona. The Abbot Adomnán, who died in 704, in particular was known for his travels and varied writings. The titles of theologian, lawmaker and peacemaker can be applied to him. Not only was Iona a religious centre for the community and pilgrims, it was also politically associated with the ruling families of Dál Riata (Scotland) and Ireland. Iona is credited with the production of such seminal artworks as the Book of Durrow and Book of Kells. The high crosses of Iona were either the first or among the first of the Insular stone tradition. The crosses are monumental, free-standing crosses carved in relief with ornament and figural imagery. The Insular monumental stone tradition has created enduring symbols—the Irish high crosses, Pictish cross-slabs and Anglo-Saxon stone sculpture. This dissertation offers an innovative interpretation of the iconographic programme of the high crosses of Iona by emphasizing their natural and liturgical landscape and environment. Previous studies have looked at individual panels and motifs such as the Virgin and Child panels and the snake-boss motif: the whole programme across the four crosses has not been attempted. The ritualised usage of the crosses can be gleaned through analysing the crosses as a whole project meant to complement each other in the environment of Iona the island and monastic settlement, over the eighth and ninth centuries. Close scrutiny of the crosses in a variety of contexts, both on Iona and when they were removed for conservation, has allowed for the analysis of the individual crosses. The crosses were erected in the physical landscape where the sun directs how and when the programme is to be accessed. The sun elucidates some of the iconographic conundrums. Additionally, the placement of the crosses was in a liturgical landscape, where the crosses were approached in complement to certain devotions. The programme of light enhances the liturgical day, particularly assisting in devotion to the Divine Office. The four crosses were erected as a spiritual tool, part of the ritualised, virtual pilgrimage to the Holy Land. Iona as a pilgrimage destination was more accessible than Rome and Jerusalem. Whereas the Lindisfarne Gospels were commissioned for the translation of the relics of St Cuthbert, the translation of the corporeal relics of St Columba, founder of Iona’s monastery, led to the commission of a cross that acts as a crux gemmata and cross-reliquary.