This thesis examines the contribution of Pakistan in the war on terror and problems faced by Pakistan due to this War. It explores selected legal issues of the War on Terror, particularly those relevant to Pakistan. To achieve this, the existing literature on Pakistan's decision to join the War, Pakistan's contribution in the War and its effects on the country are analysed. The research is focused on the Pak-US relations and selected aspects of International Law. A field work through interviews, short sample survey and focus groups are conducted to investigate the opinion of the people in Pakistan regarding the War. Through a snapshot of the history, this thesis examines the phenomenon of terrorism. It provides a general understanding of the phenomenon of Terrorism and examines the roots of terrorism in Pakistan particularly with reference to the Afghanistan factor. The study shows that Pakistan's support and contribution in the War on Terror have incited anti-war sentiments at home, whereas its sacrifice and efforts in countering terrorism have not been recognised at the international level. This study explains that both the internal factors and external dynamics are playing a negative role in achieving the objectives of the War on Terror. Some attention is paid to selected aspects of International Law especially those that have affected the Pak-US strategic partnership in general and the War on Terror in particular, such as drone strikes and violation of Human rights. The thesis shows how the divided public opinion in Pakistan has affected the War on Terror. The successive divergence of interests between Pakistan and US resulted into mistrust between the partners, and in turn, in achieving the objectives of the War on Terror. It also shows that the Policy makers in Pakistan have been unsuccessful in getting the public opinion on board regarding the policies of the War. The thesis concludes that Pakistan's strategic foundations, US policies and the Indian threat are fundamental problems in the alliance with US in the War against Terrorism. There is, therefore, a need to redefine and restructure the Pakistan's foreign policy in general and in the War on Terror in particular to help in mitigating the issue of terrorism in the country.

The military has played an integral role in Pakistan's governance SInce that country's inception. It has dominated the political process at various times by imposing martial law, playing an active role in policy making, civilianizing martial law regimes and penetrating civilian economic and social institutions. It enjoyed always a unique structural position as an armed body that was reinforced by its role as a protector of the state. There often has been an open preference by the people for the army to take over whenever there were economic problems or political instability, as military rule was considered a relief from factional disputes among civilian political leaders and an accompanying high level of corruption. The primary objective of all of Pakistan's four military regimes was to maintain internal security and cohesion by creating a basis for economic development, building government institutions, and establishing accountability. Yet not even a single military regime succeeded in fulfilling these objectives. Indeed, internal security weakened during these regimes and these governments repeatedly have led Pakistan into crises; far from securing the cohesion and stability of Pakistan, military rule often has imperiled it. Most importantly, Pakistan's military governments failed to put forward a long-term nation building strategy that would forge the country into a cohesive and a stable whole. The purpose of this thesis is to focus on the strains imposed by the four periods of military rule and point out the complexities of the challenges to security in Pakistan by assessing military rules in several areas: democracy and civil society, provincial state cohesion, religious extremism, tribal insurgencies, ethnic and sectarian struggles and national fragmentation. Discussing these challenges, this thesis will seek to examine why Pakistani military failed to enhance internal security and cohesion.

Two major developments dating from the 1970s - the rise of migration to the Gulf and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan – have led to a transformation of Pakhtun areas in Pakistan as well as in Afghanistan, bringing impacts on every aspect of the society, including the Pakhtun code of life, Pakhtunwali. The worsening security situation has led to a dearth of anthropological research in the Pakhtun regions in both countries. Most recent research relies on older outdated works and hence fails to take account of these momentous changes. For example, the dominant perspective still portrays Pakhtunwali mainly as a violent code involving revenge killings in feuds that are carried on for generations, which is no longer the case. My focus of study is a Pakhtun village in the Lower Dir district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, Pakistan. The village lies outside the tribal areas and the main source of income of the local people is remittances from the Gulf. The remittances have changed the village social structure and resulting in an increase in the number of landholders and an erosion of traditional social structure. Because of these changes Pakhtunwali has transformed, adjusting to the new socio-economic and religio-political set-up. Under these changed conditions, the complex of customary practises known as gham khadee (sorrows and joys) has emerged as the most salient feature of Pakhtunwali. Gham khadee refers to a number of practises ranging from participation in funerals and weddings to mutual favours among people in various matters of daily life. The tenets of Pakhtunwali, e.g. badal (revenge) , melmastya (hospitality), khegada (doing good), and tarburwali (cousin rivalry) are all performed within gham khadee occasions. However, the prominence of gham khadee does not mean that other tenets, e.g., violent badal, have completely ended; rather, the practise of violent badal has decreased. This thesis investigates the diverse and changing patterns of social relations among Pakhtuns, with particular attention to the ways in which social relations are guided by the practise of gham khadee. Given that political position among Pakhtuns is tied to honour, this thesis also investigates how gham khadee and the doing of favours help leaders build up their profile as well as create a political following. I take the prominence now given to gham khadee to be a manifestation of Pakhtunwali in the contemporary Pakhtun society living under the state’s laws.