The Ottoman Province of Damascus in the 16th century comprised a number of Iiwa's (Iiwa = sajaq). This thesis deals mainly with the Iiwa of Damascus as a case study. Other Iiwa's are mentioned in this connection in as much as they concern and clarify the general picture. Prescribed limitations prevent full discussion of others. The thesis is composed of seven chapters, each of which deals with certain aspects of the history of the province. The first chapter is concerned with local events prevailing between the Ottoman conquest 922/1516 and the suppression of al-Ghozali's rebellion in 927/1521. In the second chapter administrative divisions and demography of the Iiwa during the first three quarters of the sixteenth century are defined. The study shows that the was the basic administrative unit and records periods of increase In the numbers or' the population followed by sharp decline. The structure of Ottoman administration is the subject of chapters three to five. The first of them outlines the function of the governor as responsible for the maintenance of law and order and for the leadership of the military force whenever called upon. It emphasises his responsibility for the despatch and safe return of the pilgrimage caravan of Damascus This was assisted by military units distributed throughout the province and housed in fortresses,augmented by the subsidiary forces of timar-holders. All these contingents assisted the Sultan in his wars with Persia, in the Yaman and against Cyprus in addition to their use in the suppressiono f rebellions. The forces grouped themselves in to factions. As they also engaged in trade and industry, the factions vied with each other to win the support of local chieftains.

The Latin principality of Antioch was founded during the First Crusade (1095-1099), and survived for 170 years until its destruction by the Mamluks in 1268. This thesis offers the first full assessment of the thirteenth century principality of Antioch since the publication of Claude Cahen’s La Syrie du nord à l’époque des croisades et la principauté franque d’Antioche in 1940. It examines the Latin principality from its devastation by Saladin in 1188 until the fall of Antioch eighty years later, with a particular focus on its relationship with the Armenian kingdom of Cilicia. This thesis shows how the fate of the two states was closely intertwined for much of this period. The failure of the principality to recover from the major territorial losses it suffered in 1188 can be partly explained by the threat posed by the Cilician Armenians in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. King Leon I of Cilicia attacked the Latin polity on numerous occasions during this period, making any expansion of the principality almost impossible. In the 1250s the two states entered into a long-term alliance following the marriage of the Antiochene prince with the daughter of the Armenian king. The prince of Antioch subsequently followed his father-in-law by submitting to the Mongols in 1260. However, this had disastrous consequences as the Latin principality became a target for the Mamluks – the chief opponents of the Mongols in the Near East. Antiochene-Cilician relations were almost continuously shaped by the geopolitics of northern Syria and southern Anatolia. All the alliances and conflicts between the Latin principality and the Armenian kingdom were heavily influenced by the non-Christian powers of the region. In sum, this thesis argues that the principality of Antioch’s most important relationship during its final eight decades was undoubtedly with the kingdom of Cilicia.

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On 9 July 1860 CE, an outbreak of violence occurred in Damascus that focused the attention of the whole world on that city. Damascus, the multi-religious and multi-ethnic city, witnessed unprecedented bloody riots between its locals. A crowd which consisted of Druzes, Bedouins, the lower class people of the city, and Kurdish auxiliaries attacked Bab Tuma, the inner-city Christian quarter in Damascus. In the course of a few days, thousands of Christians were killed. That riot was a big shock to the Ottoman authority, the foreign powers, and the Damascene society. Each of these groups tried to look for answers to discover what had happened, why it had happened, who had done it and how things had led up to that bloody ending. It is perhaps easy to explain the 1860 riot of Damascus as religious fanaticism since the aggressors were Muslims and the victims Christians. However, a critical study of how the rioters proceeded and of the selective nature of the choice of victims warrants a critical reconsideration of the underlying factors. This research applies the textual analysis methodology to critically re-examine the events of 1860, and follows the inquiry of the anthropology of collective violence. This study deconstructs the multiple layers of this particular conflict that had a radical impact on the multi-ethnic and multi-religious society of Damascus. It provides a step-by-step presentation and reproduction of the facts to assess the true role of all the players and shapers of events. It gives much attention to the role of both Ottoman and local authorities in Damascus throughout the development of the riot. It critically examines the internal and external politico-socio-economic factors involved. This research argues that economic interests rather than religious fanaticism were the main causes for the riot of 1860. Furthermore, it argues that the riot was not a sudden eruption but rather a planned and organised affair.

The aim of this research is to investigate the functions of ceramic vessels from two well-defined contexts at Tell Ahmar that have been dated to the Middle Bronze Age II (c. 1800-1600 BC). In addition, correlations between socioeconomic activities and ceramic production at a local and regional level are further investigated. Since there is no one-to-one relation between vessel type and vessel function, the research adopts a multi-dimensional approach formed by the following hierarchical investigations. Firstly, a ceramic typology for the Middle Bronze Age pottery from Tell Ahmar, the first to be undertaken, is constructed to provide a working platform for further analyses. Secondly, interpretations of vessel functions are made based on the techno-morphological implications of vessel use. Moreover, since the ceramic assemblage under investigation represents the systemic inventory of artefacts in use in the rooms at the time of the site abandonment, function of the rooms and relative associations with the composition of the ceramic room assemblage at Tell Ahmar are investigated. In addition, comparative analysis from Northern Mesopotamian and Syrian sites are used in conjunction to suggest functional activities for the defined vessel shapes at Tell Ahmar. Inferences of vessel function are finally supported by the results of ceramic residue analysis and by epigraphic and iconographic evidence of vessel use. Functional activities (i.e. transport, storage and processing) are further discussed in order to make socioeconomic inferences at both local and regional levels. This analysis indicated that one of the major activities at Tell Ahmar was associated with long-distance transport and storage, while for those shapes characterised by a perforated base, an association with beer production is suggested. At a regional level, a general similarity of vessel shapes is noted, this being stronger among the Euphrates River Valley sites than in Inner Syria or in the Khabur Valley. However, when these similarities are examined in detail, ceramic production indicates some local distinctions. These variations, which are not associated with any ancient political boundaries, may be explained in terms of local preferences and requirements that emerged within long-distance flourishing relationships established during this period.

This work explores the role of the watermill in the history and society of Jordan, Syria and Cyprus from the 12th to the 19th century. Previous studies in this area have been limited, and have usually assumed the watermills in the Levant to date from the Ottoman period. This work aims to suggest that many of the mills still extant today in fact date from an earlier period. A review of the historical documentation and archaeological material is the main background of this study, while an examination of the watermills themselves aims to provide a permanent record of these before they disappear due to rural and urban development. A review of available reference material regarding the role of the mill in Levantine economy and society from the medieval to late Ottoman periods emphasises the importance of the watermill in rural and urban areas of the Levant in a historical period of fluctuating economic stability. The reference material consists mainly of historical accounts by travellers and chroniclers, legal documents such as treaties, charters and waqf documents, as well as archaeological, environmental and socioeconomic studies of the Levant from the medieval to the early modem period. The broad nature of this study aims to form a basis for future research with a more detailed focus in these disciplines.

Le quartier d'al-Mïdan est un exemple judicieux pour présenter l'histoire et le développement de l'expansion urbaine extra-muros de la ville de Damas. En effet, son expansion s'est poursuivie sans interruption au fil des siècles. Longeant la Rue principale vers la Terre Sainte, l'Égypte et la Palestine, ce quartier a été divisé en trois parties (Nord, Centre et Sud) afin d'en faciliter son étude. Le quartier s'est développé à partir des villages des premières tribus arabes installées aux alentours de la muraille (VIIe et VIII siècle). La partie Nord a été le premier secteur du quartier à connaître un vrai essor dans son urbanisation jusqu'à l'époque ayyoubide (570-658/1174-1260) où le Musalla a été transformé en mosquée (en 606/1211) et où la partie centrale a connu un noyau d'urbanisation. A l'époque Mamelouke (658-923/1258-1516), le village al-Qubaybat est apparu dans le Sud avec sa mosquée, la Mosquée al-Karïmï (en 718/1318). Par la suite, la Mosquée de Manjak a été érigée (avant 826/1423) dans le secteur Central qui a intégré la partie Nord. Suite à cela, al-Qubaybat a perdu son indépendance en intégrant l'unité spatiale du quartier avant l'arrivée des ottomans (en 923/1516). L'étude architecturale de l'ensemble des monuments du quartier d'al-Mïdan révèle une identité spécifique avec, d'une part, l'absence totale de madrasa et, d'autre part, la présence de mausolées mamelouks à deux coupoles. Par ailleurs, le quartier présente le seul exemple dans l'architecture damascène d'un édifice proche du type« sabïl- maq'ad », bien connu au Caire d'époque mamelouke. Les sources historiques et les documents écrits des archives fournissent des listes importantes de monuments du quartier disparus de nos jours. Cela s'ajoute à la liste issue des travaux sur le terrain et permet d'avoir une vue plus complète sur l'histoire de l'urbanisation du quartier. La société a été composée de plusieurs classes: les notables (al-Kubartiou al-A 'yiin) qui ont collaboré avec les militaires pour contrôler les peuple (al-'Amma), sans oublier les grand commençants et les milices locales appelées « al-Zu 'ur ». Le pouvoir était représenté par un walï, qui avait la responsabilité de le contrôler, d'y maintenir l'ordre et de collecter les impôts. Ce dernier était soutenu dans sa mission par deux autres personnages : le Shaykh al-hara, qui en général était choisi par le pouvoir parmi les élites ou les personnes puissantes du quartier, et le 'Arif al-hara, qui était un des chefs des milices locales « al-Zu 'ur ». / The district of al-Mïdan is a perfect example to present the history and development of the extramural expansion of the city of Damascus. Indeed, its expansion has continued without interruption for centuries. On both sides of the main road to the Holy Land and Egypt, the area was divided into three sections (North, Central and South) to facilitate its study. The district started to develop from the villages of the first Arab tribes settled a round the wall (seventh and eighth century AD). The northern part was the first sector to experience a real momentum in its urbanization in the Ayyubid period (570-658 / 1174-1260), where the Musalla was converted into a mosque (in 606/1211) and the central part became the core of urbanization. ln Mamluk times (658-923 / 1258-1516), the town of al-Qubaybat appeared in the South with its al­Karimï mosque (in 718/1318). Thereafter, the Jamï Manjak was erected (before 826/1423) in the central area which then incorporated the northern part. Subsequently, al-Qubaybat lost its independence by incorporating into the spatial unity of the area before the arrival of the Ottomans (in 923/1516). The architectural study of the monuments in the district of al-Mïdan reveals a specific identity, total lacking madrasas on the one hand, and on the other band, including: Mamluk mausoleum with two domes. Furthermore, the district has the only example in Damascus of a building approximating to the type "sabïl­maq'ad", well known under the Mamluks in Cairo. The historical sources and written documents of the archives provide important lists of monuments today disappeared. This can be added to the list of the monuments studied and provides a more comprehensive view of the area's urbanization. The social organization was composed of several classes: the notables (al-Kubariï or al-a’yan) who worked with the military to control the people (al-'Amma), without forgetting the well known merchants and local militias called "al-Zu'ur ". The authority was represented by the walï, who was responsible for control, maintaining order and collecting taxes. The walï was supported in his mission by two other persons: Shaykh al-hara, who in general was chosen by the authorities among the elites or powerful people in the district, and the 'Arif al- hara, who was a leader of local militias "al-Zu'ur".