The aim of the present thesis is basically twofold. First, to examine from the International Law viewpoint the 1974 Turkish Intervention of Cyprus; actually whether there are any grounds upon which Turkey may rely in order to establish the legality of intervention. Second, to explore the legal consequences of the intervention. In this way, the dissertation would be forward-looking as prospects for a future settlement of the Cyprus issue would be analysed in the light of Public International Law. Although Turkey's 1974 intervention has been the subject of much comment, a fresh study is warranted. This is so, because the present analysis will take advantage of information not available to many of the earlier commentators. Extensive research has been conducted in the Public Records Office examining available Foreign Office and War Office Files relevant to the study. Greek Cypriot politicians have been interviewed who gave their own exposition of the events surrounding the issue, and will be cited where relevant. Greek as well as Turkish material has been thoroughly studied and shall also be included in the study. Needless to mention that massive International Law works are quoted in detail, thus making possible the application of legal principles to the issue under examination. Furthermore, this new study is distinctive and even imperative, in that it ranges beyond the question whether the intervention was lawful to consider the legal consequences which flowed from it, and looks to the future exploring prospects for a just and viable settlement to the Cyprus Issue.

This study investigates the impact of Turkish ‘settlers’ on conceptions of collective identity in northern Cyprus during the period 1995-2013. It traces the discursive effects of immigration and the citizenship status of populations from Turkey on competing identity narratives in the context of Cyprus’s EU accession by focusing on three distinct empirical domains: political parties, civil society and the print media. Inspired by the conceptual framework of the poststructuralist discourse theory and constructivist readings on nationalism and immigration, the investigation seeks to explain the discursive mechanisms of identity construction and transformation in relation to immigration from Turkey which represents a key element in the narration of identity in northern Cyprus. More specifically, the thesis explores how the presence of populations from Turkey has been framed within the dominant narratives on identity along two antagonistic versions: Turkishness and Cypriotness. Using qualitative methodology based on discourse analysis, the empirical sections trace the continuity and change in these narratives and their framing of the ‘settler issue’ in the course of Cyprus’s EU accession and the ongoing anticipation on part of the Turkish-Cypriot community for eventual membership. The purpose of the investigation is to reveal the logic of securitization within both discourses that compete to attach a meaning onto identity in northern Cyprus. The findings demonstrate that the discursive space of the Turkish-Cypriot community is dominated by these competing, securitised versions of subjectivity and belonging. Traditionally interpreted within the hegemony of Turkishness, the antagonistic reading of immigration and the citizenship status of ‘settlers’ by the subversive Cypriotness discourse also reveals the potential to significantly increase the appeal of alternative visions and projects through securitization. Indeed, the northern Cyprus case testifies that appeal to identity involves much more than a source of self-identification, involving a contestation over autonomy, statehood and purpose. In this sense, the thesis aspires to make a contribution in both empirical and conceptual terms. The investigation of identity politics in relation to Turkish ‘settlers’ provides fascinating empirical findings on Turkish-Cypriot politics and society but also the Turkish-Cypriot perceptions of Turkey which have attracted limited scholarly attention thus far. Placing the investigation within the wider discourse-analytical framework also offers significant insights to complement existing understandings of the political relevance of identity in particularly intriguing migration settings found in unrecognised states but also in other contexts involving similar dynamics such as the presence of a ‘kin’state. The current thesisthus offers a particular aspect of the infamous ‘Cyprus Problem’ but one that points to many ‘bigger’ stories in Europe and beyond.

By examining recently released and declassified government documents, this thesis examines the roles of Britain and the United States during the Cyprus crisis of 1974, focusing on the background to, and circumstances of, the Greek-sponsored coup which overthrew President Makarios and was subsequently used as a pretext for the Turkish invasion of the island. Thirty-four years later, Cyprus remains divided and Nicosia remains the world's last divided capital city. The thesis provides an empirical study of the diplomatic and strategic underpinnings of both British and American policy towards this small yet strategically valuable island in the Eastern Mediterranean. It questions the previously expounded conspiracy theories of US/CIA involvement in the anti-Makarios coup as well as Whitehall and Washington's alleged collusion in Turkey's subsequent invasion of the island. The method employed is primarily an analysis of British and American policy-making towards Cyprus. It draws upon British and American government records, including Cabinet and Cabinet Committee papers, Foreign Office and Ministry of Defence records, NSC, CIA and State Department files as well as the papers of key individuals, such as US Secretary of State, Dr. Henry Kissinger. This is further supplemented by research conducted in Nicosia, by the use of published official sources, memoirs, diaries and valuable oral testimony.

This project explores the genealogy of the Cyprus conflict with specific reference to the island's schizophrenic geography and its systematically distorted history. Particular attention is paid to the representation of the politics of space in order to redefine the relationship between prevalent nationalist narratives of history and possible fonns of resistance to them. Beginning with two short sections which highlight the roles of various states in the legislation of memories and the maintenance of physical boundaries, Chapter One provides a detailed exploration of the historical background for the internal and international dimensions of the conflict between Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. The second chapter analyses the conditions for the emergence of nationalist representations of history, while demonstrating how such narratives have been challenged by Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot individuals. This section also explores alternative ways of historicizing the conflict by discussing the effects of the violence on individuals, with the aim of problematizing assumptions about homogenous communities and generalized responses to the outcomes of the conflict. The third chapter examines a selection of poems by Turkish Cypriot writer Faize Ozdemirciler. This section is concerned with the symbol of the migrating poetic self in her poetry, particularly in terms of its role in the construction of a potential model for creatively rewriting a Cypriot nomadic self. More broadly, the chapter explores poetry as a medium for resistance. The conclusion examines the possibility of emancipation through a conception of self that is in theory against rigid structures and representations as the embodiment of meaning and rationality. The various strands of the thesis are interwoven through a derailed narrative which turns back on itself and goes against boundaries, beginnings, ends and truth telling in the absence of an essential (l)dentity.

This thesis puts Cyprus on the colonial, postcolonial and partitioned map through reading the contemporary literatures of divided Cyprus. This study is not only the first fully to investigate the silenced literary voices of Cyprus, but is the flrst fully to read the bypassed colonial, postcolonial and partitioned condition of Cyprus. It is a new way of writing Cyprus that is of pivotal significance for the island, as well as for postcolonial and partition discourse. The thesis provides for Cyprus a new narrative to go beyond and contest its bloody binary legacy of historico-political 'deadlock' discourse. The case of Cyprus inspires new grounds for the meeting of postcolonial and partition studies, and the meeting of western and non-western imperial regimes within postcolonial discourse. The study of 'place' generates these new narratives and meetings because in all cases 'place' is the most significant force; it is a tool of thought, action, domination and liberation, but it escapes from all those people who make use of it. In light of this, through Cyprus I propose a new model for the study of place that will acknowledge and interrogate, and that can expose and carry, the power of place in postcolonial and partition discourse. This model is a hyper-complex spatial tripling situated between different understandings of place, which brings together postcolonial-partition, humanistic-geography and socio-philosophical scholarship: the complex process of place in postcolonial and partition discourse is coupled with Yi-Fu Tuan's notion of place and space and meets with Henri Lefebvre's space. It is Cyprus that enables the formation of this model, and through using it I examine and capture the processes and practices by which the Cypriot writers actively read and construct a place for themselves. In examining the actual production of place, I capture types of identification intimately shared by the Cypriots who have been divided for decades, if not centuries. In examining the actual production of colonial, postcolonial and partitioned Cyprus, I capture a new Cypriot solidarity in a differential Cyprus. The case of Cyprus suggests that the most powerful force that determines and controls all colonial, postcolonial and partitioned identification and practices is the production of place.

No description available.

This research explores how memory and national identity have been articulated in the context of competing discourses after the presentation of the Annan Plan in Northern Cyprus. Focussing on key mechanisms of memory such as history textbooks, commemorations (national days, museums, monuments), traditions (flags, national anthem and myths) and the media (especially newspapers) the thesis explores the mobilization, articulation and construction of memory/ies in relation to national identity. It is argued that the Annan Plan constitutes a turning point in Cypriot politics as it proposes a possible participation of Northern Cyprus in the European Union after a solution of the Cyprus problem. Furthermore, the Cyprus problem is understood as the outcome of the clash between two antagonistic nationalisms which has caused the division of the island since 1974. Thus, the Annan Plan is the most serious step on the way to the reunification of the island since then and, as such, it has functioned as a catalyst and precipitated an intense competition between alternative, often opposing, discourses on Turkish Cypriot national identity. The primary goal of this study is to open up the field of knowledge about the reconciliation of physically and/ or mentally divided communities through a critical analysis of the ‘mechanisms of memory’, of how they construct and articulate the ‘past’, in the present, for the future. The theoretical framework of the research draws upon approaches from a variety of fields such as social psychology, sociology, history, politics and media studies, while the empirical investigation consists of in depth interviews. The analysis of the respondents’ narratives is informed by textual analysis and in particular ‘Critical Discourse Analysis’ (i.e Wodak, Fairclough). Furthermore, the discourse theories of Foucault, Laclau and Mouffe are adopted in the examination of memories and their articulation, construction and transformation.

This thesis will examine the development of the Cyprus problem from September 1964, when Galo Plaza assumed the UN Mediatory role, until July 1974, when the coup d’état and the Turkish invasion took place. Its main focus is on the internal aspects of the emerging deadlock. The efforts at peace-making will be examined in three phases: Plaza’s mediation of 1964-1965, the negotiating impasse on the island during the period 1965-1967, and finally the inter-communal talks of 1968-1974. Each of these successive phases, particularly the latter two, were inextricably interwoven with developments within the two main communities. Hence, identifying these developments will be the primary concern of the thesis. Inevitably, the role of Archbishop Makarios III, as the dominant political personality, must be taken into full account during the three phases. Starting with the most critical and hitherto under-explored period of 1964-1968, the thesis will shed light on how the de facto separation of the two communities was established and how the separate administrative and economic structures were consolidated. This divergent development of the two communities produced new realities that had to be confronted by the respective negotiators and peace-makers at all levels. Subsequently, a detailed analysis of the first round of the inter-communal talks, from 1968 until 1971, will explore how and why the two communities missed the crucial opportunity for a settlement which appeared in 1968. Although the negotiations continued until 1974, it will become evident that after 1972, the implications of the internal division within the Greek-Cypriot community meant that any chance for a viable compromise settlement ‘evaporated’. Without ignoring the external aspects of the Cyprus problem, the study will argue that the burden of responsibility for the constant failures to settle the problem until 1972 lies mainly on factors produced within the island itself. Specifically, the Greek-Cypriot political leadership, as the predominant force on the island, crucially failed to grasp the nature of the changes within the island’s post-independence arena, and hence to adapt their goals accordingly. Recurrent attempts within both communities to create faits accomplis favourable to their own bargaining positions before being prepared to embark on a definitive settlement, only served to heighten the barriers to a stable and peaceful outcome. This thesis will, therefore, enlarge our understanding of an underlying failure which the events of 1974 were to throw into stark relief.

This thesis consists of three substantive chapters on the impact of externalities on policy outcomes in selected contexts. Chapter 2 develops a theoretical model of international environmental agreements between the high-income countries of the world. It contributes to the literature on carbon leakage by focusing on the investment channel. Three policy scenarios are considered: full agreement, non-cooperative policy and partial agreement. The full agreement is characterised by complete cooperation within the whole high-income bloc, in both deciding the amount of allowed emissions and setting the ad valorem tax on abatement. The non-cooperative policy is characterised by the individual high-income country choosing independently both emissions level and the abatement tax. The partial agreement is characterised by emissions chosen cooperatively within the high-income bloc and the abatement tax set non-cooperatively. Our results show that under full agreement carbon leakage is negative, whilst under the other two policy scenarios it is positive. Indeed, we show that carbon leakage is due to the design of the partial agreement, which leaves the choice of the policy instrument to be implemented to the individual signatory. The aim of Chapter 3 is to explain why a government signs up to an international environmental agreement (IEA), thereby renouncing the freedom to choose its own environmental policy. In a two-period model of probabilistic voting à la Lindbeck and Weibull (1987), the incumbent government decides on the level of commitment to the IEA in the first period. There are two competing political parties, which care about the environmental policy implemented in the country and about the rents from being elected. Each party faces a trade-o¤ between implementing its ideal environmental policy and committing to a policy that increases its chances of reelection. The non-green party’s ideal policy requires rejection of the IEA. However, if the electorate is sufficiently green, the party will choose a level of commitment to the IEA that is greater than zero. The green party’ ideal policy requires full commitment to the IEA. However, if the electorate is sufficiently green, the party will choose a level of commitment to the IEA that is lower than one. Chapter 4 develops a static model where there is a political issue of dichotomous type and agents can either be in favour or against it (e. g. peaceful co-living with the members of the other ethnic community). Our model shows that the evolution over time of the idea depends on the fraction of the population supporting it. Indeed, if the proportion of the population supporting an idea is lower than a certain threshold, then the agents supporting it will change their opinion and switch to the opposite opinion. If the proportions of the population are evenly balanced between the two opposite ideas, then agents on either side will stick with their initial opinion. We apply this model to the Cyprus conflict in order to explain why peace- keeping authorities have unsuccessfully been trying to find a solution since 1974. To that end, we use UNDP-ACT Survey data from the period 2007-2013. These data show that Cypriots are stuck in an impasse, where more than 40% of the population is highly concerned about the situation of the island, but nonetheless the fraction of the population who desires to reach a solution is quite low and the proportion of the population who supports peaceful co-living is stagnant. The aim of the paper is to give a theoretical explanation of this impasse and explain the reason why decades of international efforts miserably failed.

The thesis investigates the role of the Greek junta in the Cyprus Crisis of 1974 and analyses the invisible and complex components, including the foreign factors, which determined its outcome. Initially it examines the backstage of the intra-Greek collision between Brigadier-General Ioannides in Athens and Archbishop Makarios in Nicosia, as well as the subversive planning, including the possibility of US implication, and the military operations of the Greek coup that dethroned the Cypriot president on 15 July. It analyses the critical preinvasion days (15-19 July), which offered a clear operational forewarning over Turkish strategic intentions, and the Athenian strategic miscalculations, for the timely mobilization of the Greek-Cypriot forces, against the imminent invasion on 20 July. Then it focuses on the analysis of the offensive and defensive operations during the two phases of the Turkish invasion, and examines the difficulties encountered by the Turkish forces as well as the causes that pre-determined the Greek-Cypriot defensive failure. The thesis concludes with the implicating responsibility of foreign powers, which silently acquiesced to the deterioration of a crisis that ended with the military partition of the island Republic: the surprising Soviet silence, the fluctuating behaviour of Whitehall, and the ambiguous role of Washington which, under the dominance of Kissinger, played a critical role in encouraging, rather than deterring, Turkish strategic objectives.