The war of 1948 has had a major dislocating impact on the various institutions of Palestinian society. This study attempts to examine the consequences of this dislocation on the agrarian regime in two ecological zones of central Palestine: the dry farming regions in the highlands of the West Bank, and the intensive farming areas of the Western Valley of the Jordan. Explanations are provided for the persistence and even prosperity of peasant communities which have undergone a process of protracted 'de-peasantisation' in areas of marginal and marginalized dry farming. Variables of landlessness, wage labour, tenancy forms, and population movements are utilized to interpret current trends in Palestinian rural society in the light of four village case studies. Particular attention is directed towards the consolidation of a stratum of peasant-workers and their future in the context of Israeli annexation of Arab land, and integration of the Palestinian labour force into the Israeli economy. At a different level of analysis,. the study examines the manner in which the dispossessed peasants of coastal Palestine re-constituted themselves in a new rural economy under conditions of intensified agriculture and capitalization of farm inputs in a process identified here as 're-peasantisation'. In this context, the thesis discusses the decline of patrimonial relations and the subjugation of peasants to relations of dependency under the new agricultural technology. Finally, changes in the social economy of Palestinian villages are compared to features of rural transformation in Europe and the third world today

This Ph.D. thesis explores and documents the relationships existing between some of the foremost bodies of literature within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. These are concerned with women’s feminist activism as well as with recognition and reconciliation approaches which address ethno-national contexts, and in particular the ongoing status of military occupation. In analysing their interconnections, my aim is to show their relevance to any strategies which have attempted to move beyond the current impasse towards the identification of effective peaceful political alternatives. In the course of this research, I take account of the most significant academic writing relevant to this area, and direct attention to those past and contemporary women’s initiatives which have striven to question such a reality. I underline the Palestinian and Israeli Jewish women’s role in tackling the major arguments concerning the ways through which diverse forms of ethno-nationalism have obstructed the achievement of recognition and reconciliation in the land of Palestine. In this framework, women’s and feminist critical positions have been at the core of socio-political activism, reflecting on alternatives for a meaningful resolution of the conflict. By examining the relevant material and by consideration of the outcomes of my fieldwork (mostly based on semi-structured interviews), I extend my study to both the historic practical examples and the philosophical debates, which seek to deconstruct the founding pillars of both nationalisms. Based around a critical analysis of the existing feminist literature, my research focuses on exploring viable political tools used by women activists to overcome conflicting ethno-national narratives, as well as to provide innovative approaches and practices applicable to the reconciliation process between Palestinians and Israeli Jews. Considering both parallel and joint women’s initiatives, and the internal heterogeneity within each side, my contribution seeks to highlight the importance of engaging with women’s and feminist activism in the Palestinian-Israeli background, since it can be seen as one of the few remaining political visions able to challenge the status quo. On an academic level, and also within peace-oriented movements, in spite of its difficulties and failures, the women’s feminist voice has continued to develop theoretical analyses along with practical approaches of resistance, in its attempt to counter the worsening of the ‘normalised’ reality in Palestine/Israel.

The thesis is rooted in the study of the complicated relationships between the body and territory - and by extension, the body and the nation - in Palestine and Israel. This framework allows me to elaborate a more detailed study of the Palestinian suicide bomber, considered in relation to the occupation of Palestinian-inhabited territory in the west Bank and Gaza. I draw on examples from visual culture in which the deceased suicide bomber is commemorated as a martyr, in this way presenting an idealized image of the Palestinian nation. I argue that there is a relationship between territory, the "body" of the nation, and the body of the suicide bomber/martyr, and one in which ideals of self-sacrifice and resistance are performed by the martyr. In so doing I theorize the performance of martyrdom, the staging of the self as a martyr by the suicide bomber to be, as a type of subject formation under occupation, and as the enactment of a resistant subjectivity. This study asserts that the actions of the Palestinian suicide bomber are intentional and linked to territorial encroachment on Palestinian lands. In so doing it positions itself in opposition to a majority of the research literature on the subject. This research makes an innovative contribution to the study of Palestinian martyrdom by removing the suicide bomber from its primary field of study in the West, terrorism and security studies, and situating it within the realm performance studies. It proposes new understandings of the Palestinian suicide bomber, considered in terms of corporeality, performance, intentionality and subjectivity. Additionally the thesis considers performance as a research methodology. The elaboration of my theoretical propositions emerged in part through performance, the staging of myself in a mimetic attempt to put myself in the place of the Palestinian martyr. Through performance I "act out" material under consideration in the thesis while also positioning myself in relation to it. In this way I insert myself into the thesis as a critical and positioned subject. The notion of the positioned subject is also central to the practice element, where I use performance to position myself outside of mainstream North American Jewish identity. I perform various Others of my own Jewish identity, in this way asserting a resistant subjectivity.

The ethno-nationalist conflict in Israel/Palestine has been the subject of significant academic interrogation. However, the political ecological dimensions of that conflict, despite their importance, have gone largely unnoticed. The natural environment, for example, is central to national identity constructs that have long been a source of contestation and friction in the region. The scarcity of vital natural resources (both land and water) needed to sustain nation-building efforts continue to occasion conflict. Access to and control of such resources is divisive and the environment has become a weapon through which to contest the ‘other’. Whilst there is a deep-rooted attachment and importance given to the environment, it has also been a victim to the conflict itself often being seconded to the ‘high political’ aspects prioritised at the governmental level At the opposite end of the spectrum, there are also numerous efforts which attempt to use the environment to promote cooperation/peacebuilding between actors in the conflict. This thesis attempts to unpack the often-overlooked political ecological dimensions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. To do so, it focuses on a number of specific, localized and illustrating case studies in a series of three papers. The first analyses the impact of the Israeli West Bank separation barrier on Palestinian agricultural systems and processes. The second paper, analyses local attempts at Israeli-Palestinian ‘environmental cooperation’ and asserts the need for delving deeper into ‘cooperative’ interactions in order to determine their true nature and effectiveness. The third paper takes the same greater Bethlehem case studies and explores their possible peacebuilding contributions, before suggesting ways to improve their potential in that regard. As well as filling a significant vacuum in Israel/Palestine scholarship, the thesis has broader theoretical and practical relevance. It adds greatly to vibrant contemporary academic discussions, debates, and lines of enquiry pertaining to the relationships between the environment, conflict and peace. It also speaks to recent calls for geographers to research and contribute to ‘a geography of peace’. In a desire to employ a holistic lens (in this case a political ecological one), an inductive approach was pursued to facilitate the emergence of new ideas. That is, instead of having rigid, predefined theories to test, the approach, whilst including key ideas related to the broad conceptual framework, was to remain open-minded to what emerged in discussions with those involved in the scenarios, and through the analysis of a multitude of information sources. Key methods of primary data collection included semi-structured interviews and ethnographic observation. Primary data collection occurred remotely via ‘e-interviews’ between 2012 and 2013, and directly during a period of fieldwork to Israel/Palestine in 2014. A total of 40 interviews were completed. Ethnographic observation included partaking in tours and conducting site visits. The data collected was complemented by the consultation of secondary statistical sources, and visualisation using Geographic Information Systems. Qualitative content analysis was key in complementing the primary data.

The establishment of the Jewish state of Israel in mandatory Palestine in 1948 was celebrated as a triumph for the Zionist ideal, creating a homeland for the Jewish people following years of suffering and persecution throughout Europe, but was imprinted in the Palestinian narrative as the Nakba - the catastrophe resulting in just 12.5% of the original 900,000 Palestinians of the land remaining in the newly created state, most of whom lost their land and became internal refugees. This thesis analyses the ethnocratic nature of the Israeli state, revealing the weaknesses in Israel's claim to be a liberal democracy. It highlights the discrimination that the Palestinian-Arabs face in a state which derives its legitimacy from ethnoreligious characteristics, making equality impossible. Within this context I examine the resistance strategies of this group through the work of Palestinian-Arab civil society organisations in Israel. I analyse their work pertaining to land, language and culture, and education, and how these contribute to the empowerment of the Palestinian minority by strengthening their politicised collective identity. The ethnocratic nature of the state, and the securitized relationship between the Palestinian-Arab minority and the Israeli-Jewish state, hinder the level of tangible structural change that the civil society organisations can achieve through strategies such as litigation and advocacy. Whilst these remain important instruments, I argue that the real strength of the Palestinian-Arab civil society lies in strengthening their politicised collective identity and empowering the community. This thesis finishes by considering the implications that the securitized relationship between the Palestinian-Arabs and the Israeli state has on the future of Israel as a Jewish state. In a state where the changing demographics and increasingly securitized and antagonistic political environment places them in heightened danger of growing ethnic tensions and the possibility of forced population transfer, such issues are particularly pertinent.

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The mass media, among other institutions, plays a critical role in the reproduction of socio-political and ideological discourses, which include a variety of representations. These promote social solidarity by reinforcing national identity, common beliefs and language, and forming collective memories. Since media representations are closely linked to the policies of elite institutions and to public opinion, they are especially important during transitions from war culture to peace culture. A century of violence between Jews and Arabs has reinforced traditional Jewish myths and stereotypes, and enhanced the Israeli quest for security and desire for peace. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict shapes the socio-political and ideological discourses, reflected by the Israeli mass media. This thesis analyzes representations of topics and actors relating to security, peace and politics by exploring news text in context, hence, the printed news discourses between 1993-1994. It focuses on the Israeli printed media before and after the signing of Oslo accords between the State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in September 1993. This dramatic event marks a significant shift in Jewish history, and is defined in this study as a "transitory" breakpoint, accompanied by a national breakpoint. Global changes in the 1990s marked the beginning of a new chapter in Middle East politics, and in Israeli-Palestinian relations, in particular. It led to the Oslo peace process, culminating in the historic signing of the Declaration of Principles on 13 September 1993. This not only entailed the mutual recognition of the State of Israel and the PLO; it also changed perceptions of the Palestinian leadership among Israelis, as reflected by the news media discourses.

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This dissertation is an attempt to explain the general principles behind the Palestinian political discourse that followed An-Nakba in 1948. This analysis will be carried out in three parts: the First Part starts with an introduction that lays out the questions, objectives and structure of this research before delving into the theoretical and analytical frameworks that guide the last two chronological parts of the dissertation. The Second Part focuses on the Palestinian political discourse between 1948 and the late 1980s. The Third Part examines the period that followed from the 1990s onward. While trying to distill discursive orienting-principles, the analysis will display how the discursive transformations evolved and it asks about their performative corollaries in everyday life, whether at the ideational or the spatial level. In addressing this question, this dissertation made two interdependent original contributions: the main contribution uncovers the main rules of formations and logics of the Palestinian representative discourse. That explains also the internal transformation and evolution of this discourse, and how these logics directed policymaking. In general, I attempted to summarize the Palestinian discursive rules of formation into eleven overlapping rules: (1) an-Nakba and the order of discontinuity, (2) an-Nakba and the pursuit of a solution, (3) provisional horizon, socialization and referentiality, (4) motion, (5) logic of division, (6) statehood, (7) realist-liberalist peace, (8) mathematico-judicial schema, (9) market logic, (10) security as peace, and (11) replacement. The second contribution is a byproduct of exploring the philosophical debates that I touched upon in order to build a methodological framework that helps us understand the connection between change and discourse.

On 7 July 2005, a global call for Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) was declared to people around the world to enact boycott initiatives and pressure their respective governments to sanction Israel until it complies with international law and respects universal principles of human rights. The call was endorsed by over 170 Palestinian associations, trade unions, non-governmental organizations, charities, and other Palestinian groups. The call mentioned how broad BDS campaigns were utilized in the South African struggle against apartheid, and how these efforts served as an inspiration to those seeking justice for Palestinians. The call stated that boycott measures should be carried out until three demands are met – that Israel end the occupation of Arab lands, end discrimination against Palestinian citizens in Israel, and respect the Palestinian right of return. This study explores the causes for the BDS movement, its organizational dynamics, and the potential outcomes the movement intends to gain through bordercrossing solidarity groups and networks. Research questions guiding this investigation have been: What causal conditions have led to the emergence of the movement? How is the movement similar and/or dissimilar to other forms of challenging Israel? How is the BDS movement organized across borders, and how are local campaigns within the movement operationalized? This thesis is comprised of three sections that include a historical background, case study chapters on BDS campaigns, and a final section that analyzes the movement’s structure and processes, its connection to global justice activism, and challenges and limitations of the movement. Thus, this thesis critically investigates the BDS movement through its operationalization across borders and argues that due to its scope, organizational structure, and collective action frames, the transnational movement represents a new and different approach to challenging Israel in the Palestinian struggle for justice.