Readings of contemporary accounts of the Japanese invasion of Choson Korea and Ming China's intervention, by Japanese, Korean, and Chinese writers; analysis of the writers' disparate world-views and how they each envision their country and its neighbours. This thesis uses contemporary writings from across the region to study the significance of the East Asian War of 1592-1598 for Chinese, Korean, and Japanese senses of identity, and argues that the war was a crucial moment in the development of those identities. Despite the 1592-1598 conflict affecting millions of people, and resulting in almost unprecedented cross-border flows of people and information, most previous considerations of its effect on identity have focused on court documents. In the first dedicated study of identities in the East Asian War, this thesis shifts from the hitherto emphasis on politicians and commanders to prioritize individuals at the frontiers of cross-border contact. This shift of focus from centre to periphery contributes to our understanding of two areas of history. In terms of the East Asian War as a historical event, it provides a far more nuanced picture of what this momentous conflict signified for people at the time. In terms of the history of Chinese, Korean, and Japanese identities, it demonstrates persuasively that the sense of belonging to a country held real meaning for people across society, influencing the actions even of those totally removed from the state. Tracing the legacy of frontier writings again contributes to both the history of the war and of identity, by revealing how peripheral insights and central biases combined to give birth to the orthodox narratives of the war, some of which remain influential to this day. Personal writings show how first-hand encounters in the war modified but also re-inforced already well-established identities, making national identities of immediate significance for an immeasurably wider group than in peace time. The late sixteenth-century growth in printing and literacy subsequently greatly amplified the impact of the East Asian War by allowing real-life interaction to be endlessly re-told as a dramatic clash between China, Korea, and Japan. This study restores the war to its proper place as a key moment in the longer development of national identities in East Asia. It also calls for a primary-source based, East-Asia centred reconsideration of theories on the historical development of collective identity, which remain overly influenced by later European experience.

本文通過考察吉安青原山寺的歷史來探究宋到清初佛教寺院與地方士人精英的關系演變。 / 宋元時期，文人碑刻為佛寺帶來聲譽和地位，青原山寺僧通過與上層士大夫精英打交道來獲取文化和政治上的支持。從9 世紀開始，由於禪宗部分宗派的改宗溯源，青原行思和尚最終在宋代官修禪宗史籍中確立正統地位，青原山寺被稱為禪宗「七祖道場」。南宋吉州科舉的興盛和高層士人的崛起催生了吉州的地域認同，青原山在廬陵文化的塑造中成為地方認同的標簽。但是在經濟上，像宋元吉州許多佛寺一樣，青原山寺通過在寺內或寺旁修功德祠的方式與當地富人做生意來獲得捐施。 / 明代中前期佛教發展走入低潮，洪武皇帝禁止官員與佛寺僧人打交道，以防僧俗勾結。嘉靖時期的毀「淫祠」運動和禁制佛教法令對佛寺造成了災難性的打擊。王學士人和吉安府地方官積極投身開展毀「淫祠」運動，打擊佛寺，清算寺產，青原山寺深受其害。從16 世紀30 年代開始，王學士人在青原山定期舉行講會，變寺院為書院，青原山寺因而被王學講會和儒學祭祀所占領，成為吉安府讀書人求學的精神聖地。 / 萬曆年間宮廷的崇佛勢力和晚明由政治焦慮而產生的崇佛熱潮波及吉安。在這場佛教復興中，有青原山求學經歷的第三、第四代王學人士熱衷於佛寺的興修。在晚明數十年間，通過科考、學術和姻親組成的吉安上層士大夫家族圈對青原山寺捐修的熱情持續不減。他們將王學會館神祠移至寺外，重修寺院，購買寺田。而嘉靖以來形成的青原山王學講會和精英文化傳統，使得吉安上層士人主導了青原山寺佛教的復興。 / 清初青原山在地方官和士紳庇護下成為明遺民逃禪之所。三藩之亂以前的清初地方官員創造了比較寬松的政治環境，順治至康熙年間，由前明逃禪官員住持的青原山寺，在省、府、縣三級官員、地方士紳和府縣學生的支持下，贖回大量土地、增建建築規模，免去里甲徭役，收留前朝遺民。青原講會重新恢復，成為全府知識活動的焦點所在。 / This dissertation examines the relationship between Buddhist monasteries and local literati elites in Jiangxi from Song to early Qing, with focus on a specific monastery: the Qingyuan si . / Literati inscriptions was a fountain of fame and prestige for Buddhist monasteries in Song-Yuan Ji'an.Thus monks constantly sought for cultural and political support from upper elite officials. Song Jizhou enjoyed unprecedented examination success and produced many high officials, which led to the birth of a territorial identity among the literati. Mount Qingyuan, renowned as a sacred site of the seventh Patriarch of Chan Buddhism--Qingyuan Xingsi( 青原行思), a result of genealogical writing since the 9th century, was constructed into the local identity in this process.The economic base of Qingyuan si, like many others in Song-Yuan Jizhou, however, lied in donations in exchange for a sacrifice hall built in or adjacent to the monastery. / The first two centuries of Ming was a gloomy time for Buddhism. Founding emperor Hongwu thrust a wedge between monks and officials to prevent conspiracy. The Jiajing period witnessed calamitous strikes to Buddhist monasteries in a movement to demolish 'illicit temples', together with anti-Buddhist edicts issued by the Jiajing Emperor. Yangming scholars and local officials alike actively participated in tearing down and confiscating land of 'illict temples', among which was Qingyuan si. In the meantime, the rise of Yangming school made Qingyuan si a prominent site of Yangming huijiang (learning and discussing meetings), turning it into a Yangming Academy and spiritual center of scholarship in Ji'an since the 1530's. / In the Buddhist revival driven by inner court forces and a nationwide fever for Buddhism out of political anxiety, the third and fourth generations of Yangming scholars in Ji'an demonstrated great enthusiasm in restoring Buddhist monasteries. During the remaining years of Ming, gentry families of Ji'an, connected by scholarship and marriage, showed consistency in monastic patronage under which Qingyuan si managed to remove Yangming halls, restore Buddhist constructions and reacquire much land. Moreover, donation to the monastery then became a sphere largely exclusive to a privileged literati group as a result of its elite tradition formed in the Jiajing era. / Early Qing Qingyuan si served as a shelter for Ming loyalists. The Ming-Qing transition cracked down some old patronal literate families of Qingyuan si by war. However, under the protection of supportive local officials, surviving gentry families and students, the monastery benefited from two decades of peaceful time due to a mild political climate before late 1670s. Former Ming high officials were invited abbots, land was redeemed, and labor service was relieved. The reopened Qingyuan huijiang once again made it a focal place of intellectual activities. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 敖迎盈. / "2012年12月". / "2012 nian 12 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 105-114). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Ao Yingying. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 歷史地理 --- p.9 / Chapter 1. --- 吉安歷史地理 --- p.9 / Chapter 2. --- 吉安早期佛教史概況 --- p.17 / Chapter 第三章 --- 明以前吉安佛教與青原山 --- p.24 / Chapter 1. --- 改宗溯源與禪宗正統的書寫青原山「七祖」道場之由來 --- p.24 / Chapter 2. --- 宋元時期的文人、官員與青原山 --- p.29 / Chapter 3. --- 從宋長者祠看宋元青原山寺的受捐和社會功能 --- p.37 / Chapter 第四章 --- 從佛教「祖庭」到儒學「聖域」：明代王學講會與青原山佛寺的困境 --- p.41 / Chapter 1. --- 王陽明與嘉靖時期吉安府王學 --- p.43 / Chapter 2. --- 「毀淫祠」運動與嘉靖年間佛寺的生存困境 --- p.48 / Chapter 3. --- 16 世紀的青原王學會講 --- p.53 / Chapter 第五章 --- 晚明佛教復興和吉安士人的參與 --- p.63 / Chapter 第六章 --- 明末清初青原山僧人、地方士紳與吉安府政治的變遷 --- p.80 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.100 / 參考文獻 --- p.105

本文以晚明天台宗的發展為主題，并試圖通過浙江這一個案的研究來探究晚明時期中國佛教發展的特點。 / 晚明佛教的復興運動是一個各種佛教發展"模式"競爭的場所。在這裡，不同的人物或派別基於他們所理解的時代需要而有意識的"修剪菩提樹"，由此而產生各種風格迥異的佛教發展模式。晚明天台宗的復興運動也正是當時各種佛教發展模式中重要的一環。 / 本文首先通過考證得出正統譜系中晚明以來的這些天台宗祖師是由幾系以不同寺院為基礎的僧團編輯而成，并在四份傳承譜系的比較中，得出晚明天台宗在幽溪傳燈之後，由高明寺發展至浙江一帶不同地域的數系傳承，而智旭的靈峰寺僧團在明末清初一直秉承"不自立宗"的宗旨，兩者並非是"念珠式"一襲相承。要理解明清以來天台宗發展的走向，須要首先理解高明寺一系百松真覺、幽溪傳燈所領導的晚明天台宗的"中興"。 / 從百松真覺的續弘台宗，到幽溪傳燈時期的鼎盛，天台宗已成為東南浙江一帶頗具影響的派別。晚明天台在發展的模式的探索上，以幽溪傳燈的思想最為代表，他認為天台宗所傳的教法是最契合如來本心的，故而在其理論構建中，處處發明天台教旨，將其置於理論建構中的最高地位。 / 由於智旭思想中多有涉及天台教學，故而他和天台宗之間的關係歷來多有爭訟。本文則通過智旭與天台一系僧團的交流，特別是在他思想探索時期與幽溪傳燈的弟子的"共締千古盟"，來說明他爲什麽會如此注重天台教學。至於爲什麽他會被塑造為天台祖師，本文則通過明清天台譜系的研究來考證智旭的靈峰寺僧團在清中前期與幽溪傳燈一系傳承的交往以及逐漸演化為天台法脈的過程，并試圖通過明清佛教的組織形式來探討這種轉變的原因。 / 智旭與幽溪傳燈在模式上諸宗融合與宗派爭鳴兩種意見的分歧也促使我們對晚明佛教的融合論作進一步的反思。由於"佛教"這一術語的模糊性，每種發展模式的僧人都將自己所認同的教學模式認為是佛教的正統代表，因而，在他們判別各宗派佛法高低以及融合他宗時，不可避免的將自身所認同的佛法置於最高或最核心的地位，於是所謂的融合也就不可避免的變為伸張一家教旨的論斷，各種模式之間，甚至各種主張融合的模式之間的矛盾和爭訟也因此不可避免。 / In this thesis, I aim to discuss the development of T’ien-t’ai school in Late Ming and try to explore, through this case study, the characteristics of Chinese Buddhism in this period. / The Late Ming Buddhist revival is like a site of contestation by different Buddhist development "models", each kind of which intentionally "prunes the bodhi tree" according to its own understanding of Buddhism and the needs of their time. / From the time of Baisong Zhenjue (百松真覺) to Youxi Chuandeng (幽溪傳燈), the T’ien-t’ai School has become an influential faction of Buddhism in southeast China. The characteristic of their model is to highlight their sectarian identity, they put their teaching of T’ien-t’ai as the hightest in their scheme of classification of doctiones and as most conforming to the heart of the teachings of Buddha. / In the study of late Ming Buddhism, there has been much dispute on the relationship between Ouyi Zhixu (蕅益智旭) and the T’ien-t’ai School. In this thesis, I try to reveal Ouyi Zhixu’s communication with the disciples of Youxi Chuandeng to illustrate why he paid so much attention to the T’ien-t’ai teaching. As for why Ouyi Zhixu is presented as the patriarch of T’ien-t’ai School, I will show, through the textual research of T’ien-t’ai lineage recrods during the Ming and Qing Dynasties, how the lineage of the Lingfeng Temple (靈峰寺) sangha in early and mid Qing was transformed to become one of the T’ien-t’ai lineages. / The different understanding of Ouyi Zhixu and Youxi Chuandeng on syncretism or sectarian identity prompts us to rethink the syncretism of Late Ming Buddhism. Because of the ambiguity of the term "Buddhism", all different development models claims that they are the orthodox representation of Buddhism. In different scheme of doctrinal classification (判教), all factions will inevitably put their own theory as the highest or the core teaching of Buddhism. / The ambiguity of the term "Buddhism" also applies to the understanding of Buddhism by the gentry from Confucianism. What they are dealing with is different models of Buddhism, but not Buddhism as a whole. Therefore, the so-called syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism or the unity of the three teachings (三教合一), actually refers to the relationship between the gentry and the kind of Buddhism that they identitied with. Moreover, the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism were with complicated social and historical background. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 馬炳濤. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 137-147). / Abstracts also in English. / Ma Bingtao.