This study examines the political system of Egypt during the period 1099-1143/1687-1730. After two centuries of Ottoman rule, the laws of Qanun-name of 1525, which created a rather complicated balance of power, became subject to erosion. The Viceroy's power started to decline and the military garrison lost its dominance over the political and administrative affairs of the region. The civil war of 1123/1711 brought with it major developments to the region. It resulted in the gradual disintegration of the Ottoman elements within the political set-up and the rise of the local institutions represented by the beylicate, al-Azhar, and the Bedouin Arab tribes. Egypt gradually shifted towards growing independence. The latter half of the twelth century AH witnessed the emergence of the secessionist movement of 'Ali Bey al-Kablir (1767-1772) and, following the French occupation, the rise of Muhammad 'Ali Pasha leading Egypt into the modem era. The Introduction is followed by an analysis of the archival and manuscript sources upon which this study is based. The second chapter relates the history of the period 1099-1143/1687-1730 in the light of previously unexploited sources. The main body of the study discusses the factors which led to the decline of the Ottoman political system in Egypt and the rise of the beylicate and religious institutions. It is followed by a final chapter which refers briefly to the major local groups which exerted an external impact on the system rather than being part of the political set-up. This study is based on contemporary chronicles and documents in the Egyptian archives, making particular use of vital manuscript sources which have not yet been exploited by modern scholarship. It is hoped that this study will provide answers to several questions relating to the factors which led to the decline of Ottoman authority and the rise of the local institutions represented by the beylicate and the Ulema

Egypt and Syria were in the hands of the Abi Princes among whom was al-Sälih Ayyub the ruler of Egypt. His death in 121.9 A. D. brought about a situation in which his mamluks, (elite guard of slave origin) assumed power. Although Baibars was not the first of this group to become head of state, his great contribution to the establishment of their rule, ranks hire as the true, founder of the Mamlük State. Important as his reign was, comparatively little study of it has been undertaken. The reason for this is, in part at least, owing to the absence of complete first-hand material on which such a study could be based. Until recently, only a portion of the biography of Baibars, written by his Secretary for State Correspondence, Muhyi al-Din ibn `Abd al-Zahir was known. But now an almost complete manuscript of this biography has been discovered, and a critical edition of it is here presented together with an English translation, notes and introduction.

This thesis is divided into weapons and armour categories. Each section deals with weapons in the following way. It looks at the materials used in the manufacturing of weapons evidently used by soldiers in artistic representations. In this way, where possible, I have attempted to trace their provenance through excavation reports. Secondly, where appropriate, there is an examination of religious or social elements regarding military images. Here, I have established a description and directory of all artistic representations of armed soldiers, and have included a comparative study of material remains. The thesis is divided into the following sections. Metallic, leather and linen body armour, shields, breastplates and helmets. Short-range, or shock weapons, that include swords, axes, mace, and staves. Projectiles, or mid to long-range weapons, such as the bow, arrows, spears, javelins and throwsticks. An additional section involves the use of the bow-box and quiver. The second volume includes photographic evidence, namely, representations I have examined among museum collections, which include temple reliefs and other military artefacts. The sections are arranged to provide a clear and cohesive system of reference. Each is clearly restricted to a particular weapon or armour category, however, the author highlights the points at which cross references become necessary.

Egypt and the Sudan have always been considered two sister countries. The River Nile flowing from its springs in the heart of the Dark Continent, and pouring its waters through Lower Egypt, into the Mediterranean, has connected inseparably the two regions since the earliest times. In their voyages of discovery and conquest, the Ancient Egyptians appear to have reached the junction of the Nile with Bahr Al Ghazal in the west (10°N. L. ), and ascended the Blue Nile, an eastern tributary, to its sources in Abyssinia. Through trade, migrations, occasional raids and more definite attempts at conquest, contact was maintained between the two countries.

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This thesis contributes to an ongoing debate on the nature of Islam’s role in the emergence of nationalism in the Muslim world in general, and in Egypt in the years 1879-1882. While theories of nations and nationalism reveal a contested theoretical landscape, many scholars agree that Islam and nationalism are antithetical and expound divergent conceptions of community. For their part, Middle East scholars, view the ‘Urabi Revolt 1879-1882, as a ‘protonationalist’ precursor to the ‘full-blown’ Egyptian nationalism of the early twentieth century. Finally, ‘ulama participation in the ‘Urabi Revolt has been mainly ignored, most likely due to the dominant narrative – increasingly challenged – that ‘ulama were, to a great extent, marginalized over the nineteenth century in Egypt due to reforms that challenged their spheres of influence. On the theoretoical tension between Islam and nationalism and in asserting the nationalism of the ‘Urabi Revolt, I explore the case of Egypt, the ‘Urabi Revolt itself and the role of Islamic clerics, thinkers and activists. These key actors put forward convincing views of how Islamic and nationalist notions of community were in fact reconcilable. Furthermore, I argue that Egypt represents an exception to the dominant scholarly view that sees many nationalisms of the Middle East emerging in the aftermath of the Ottoman defeat of 1918. I offer an alternative account of the ‘ulama’s fate during the nineteenth century and explore their role in the ‘Urabi Revolt. While reforms did reduce the ‘ulama’s wealth, economic privileges and political influence this did not, I argue, result in complete marginality because ‘ulama monopoly of the religious and educational sphere remained largely unchallenged. Legal reforms may have displaced ‘ulama from key positions but these were not as comprehensive as some scholars have suggested. In the emerging nationalism of 1879 – 1882 and the British invasion, I argue that ‘ulama played a prominent role, both in the intellectual articulation of nationalism and within the poilitical and revolutionary events. ‘Ulama both defined and were active participants in the nationalist movement’s relationship to contending political forces including the Ottoman Empire, the local Khedive and indeed the invading British forces, imbuing Egyptian nationalism with a distinct Islamic character.

Though officially ruled by the Ottoman Entire, Egypt was under British occupation between 1882 and 1922. Most studies about the British in Egypt during this time focus on the political and administrative activities of British officials based on government documents or their memoirs and biographies. This thesis focuses on various aspects of the British community in Cairo based on sources that have been previously overlooked such as census records, certain private papers, and business, newspaper, military and missionary archives. At the outset, this discussion introduces demographic data on the British community to establish its size, residential location and context among other foreign communities and the wider Egyptian society. Then it deliberates on the occasional ambiguous boundaries that identified members of the community from non-members as well as the symbols and institutions that united the community. Ensuing chapters on the community's socio-occupational diversity and criminal activities suggest that the British community in Cairo was not homogeneous. The community consisted of not only law-abiding upper middle class officials but of an assortment of businessmen, missionaries, and working-class maids and labourers; some of whom were involved in crimes and misdemeanours. The analysis concludes by investigating the diversity of reactions of Cairo's Britons to the challenge of World War I and the subsequent revolutionary period of 1919-1922. Due to time and space constraints, the discussion concentrates on the British community in Cairo, since for the most part, more Britons resided in Cairo than Alexandria. However, where appropriate to the thesis' key themes, data on the British in Alexandria will be included.